'The Stationery Man'

by ArtdeCiel 7. July 2010 09:13

 'The Stationery Man'

Warren de La Rue (1815 - 1889)

Collodion

Warren de La Rue was England’s first Astrophotographer. In 1851 during the ‘Great Exhibition’ held at the Crystal Palace in London, he saw Daguerreotypes of the Moon taken by William Cranch Bond and John Adams Whipple. The sight of these images of our nearest celestial neighbour was a turning point in his life, so much so that they inspired him to devote all his energies to replicate and improve upon them.

One year later he had done just that, as Lady Margaret Huggins later wrote:

“In 1852 Mr. De La Rue, working in his little garden at Canonbury with a 13-inch reflector and availing himself of the Collodion process, succeeded in obtaining a really excellent picture of the Moon; and to him therefore belongs the credit of first employing the Collodion process in celestial photography, as well as that of obtaining the first very valuable success in lunar photography.”

In the years which followed he was to do even better, ultimately becoming the’ Greatest Astrophotographer of his age’.

It was however his work on the construction and subsequent use of the ‘Kew Photoheliograph’ – the first telescope built specifically to image the Sun - where his greatest legacy is to be found.

Shoreditch

Warren de La Rue was born on the 18th January 1815 at St. Peters Port, Guernsey, the first child of Thomas de La Rue an ambitious printer and his wife Jane Warren; a native of the village of Bishops Nympton in Devonshire, England.

In about 1818 when Warren was barely three years old Thomas de La Rue moved with his family to England and set up home at No. 45 Crown Street, in the Shoreditch area of London. He obviously felt that better prospects awaited him amongst the teeming streets of London’s metropolis and he was right. His first business was not in printing but in the manufacture of ‘Leghorn’ straw hats.

The young Warren de La Rue grew up in Shoreditch with his younger brothers and sisters. His parents gave birth to ten children in all, of whom only six survived into adulthood. It was not long before Warren was sent abroad for his education at the Collège Sainte Barbe, Paris; his father took the view that his son would receive better tuition if it was French and not English.

Whilst Warren was at school his father’s business activities went from strength to strength. He gave up the straw hat manufacturing business; and n 1830 together with Samuel Cornish and William Rock he founded a business of playing card makers, hot pressers and enamellers. De la Rue’s was the first company to begin printing playing cards, and it received a Royal Patent to do so in 1831. The following year the company printed its first deck of cards.

Bunhill Row

In 1833, Thomas de La Rue and his partners rented premises at 110 Bunhill Row, London where they established a wholesale and fancy stationers business.

By the time of the 1841 Census Warren de La Rue was married and actively employed in his father’s business at Bunhill Row. He had married Georgiana Bowles, a native of Guernsey at the Parish church of Saint Luke’s, Old Street, London on the 17th February 1840, and was living at nearby Artillery Row, giving his occupation as a Card Manufacturer.

From an early age Warren de La Rue showed remarkable aptitude for anything mechanical or electrical, despite having received no known training in these areas. He stayed a number of years in Paris only returning to help run his father’s business activities. When he was just 21 Warren wrote his first scientific paper dated the 15th September 1836, entitled ‘On Voltaic Electricity and on the Effects of a Battery charged with Sulphate of Copper”, which was published in the December edition of the Philosophical Magazine for that year.

His other talent which he exhibited from an early age was the ability to draw with complete accuracy anything he saw or wanted to describe. In 1838 he was given a commission for the design and construction of a large White Lead Works. Warren de La Rue not only produced the Architectural Drawings for the project, but also managed to do so without any alterations being required in his design. An achievement that only rarely happens today even with all the computerized tools and planning techniques available to the modern architect!

His great mechanical acumen was also apparent to all when he first turned his attention to Astronomy in about 1840.

The famous amateur astronomer James Nasmyth described a meeting with Warren de La Rue which took place at Nasmyth’s home in Patricroft, Eccles, Lancashire:

"I well remember the visit I received from my dear friend Warren De la Rue in the year 1840. I was executing some work for him with respect to a new process which he had contrived for the production of white lead. I was then busy with the casting of my 13-inch speculum. He watched my proceedings with earnest interest and most careful attention. He told me many years after that it was the sight of my special process of casting a sound speculum that in a manner caused him to turn his thoughts to practical astronomy, a subject in which he has exhibited such noble devotion as well as masterly skill. Soon after his visit I had the honour of casting for him a 13-inch speculum, which he afterwards ground and polished by a method of his own."

Indeed it was James Nasmyth he fired Warren de La Rue’s interest in Astronomy. The admission of this fact is contained in a letter to him from Cranford in 1864, in which he says:

"No one has so great a claim on the fruit of my labours; for you inoculated me with the love of star-gazing, and gave me invaluable aid and advice in figuring specula."

The earliest known published account of de La Rue’s interest in the heavens was when the following brief note appeared in the December 1850 edition of the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society:

“A very beautiful drawing of Saturn, by Mr. De La Rue, as seen in his 13-inch reflector will be exhibited at the January meeting. It fully confirms Mr. Bond’s discovery and Mr. Dawes’s sketch.”

The discovery referred to, was of the so called ‘Crepe Ring’ by William Cranch Bond and his son, George Phillips Bond of Harvard.

This brief note was followed up in the same issue of the MNRAS with an account of his methods for sketching Double Stars:

Note from Mr. Warren De la Rue.

" I have been in the habit, for some time past, of making drawings of the double stars on small black discs, which are cut out from paper which has been previously gummed at the back, and found them so convenient that I sent several to my friends Mr. Lassell and Mr. James Nasmyth. Those gentlemen were pleased with them; and the latter begged me to bring them before the notice of your Society, thinking that observers would be glad of the suggestion. In illustration of their use, I have sent my copy of Smyth's ' Bedford Catalogue,' which contains drawings of several double and multiple stars, as seen with my 13-inch equatorial reflector of 10-feet focal length.”

It was clear that by 1850 Warren de La Rue not only had a great passion for Astronomy, but had also become friends with some of the leading figures in British Astronomy of the time, notably James Nasmyth and William Lassell, and more importantly had favorably impressed the astronomical elite in the Royal Astronomical Society, so much so that he was elected a Fellow on the 14th March 1851.

As yet he had shown no inclination to venture in astrophotography. This was to change with the coming of the ‘Great Exhibition’ of 1851, held at the Crystal Palace, near Hyde Park, London. At the exhibition Warren de La Rue was there as an exhibitor, demonstrating his envelope folding machine which he had invented some five years earlier. As fate would have it, a nearby exhibit was showing some photographs of the Moon which had been taken by William Cranch Bond, the Director of the Harvard College Observatory and the Daguerreotypist John Adams Whipple.

This was a turning point in Warren de La Rue’s life, as Lady Margaret Huggins later wrote in 1890:

“It was the sight of these very promising photographs which first gave the impulse to Mr. De la Rue's labours in this direction, and to the new field of research thus revealed, he at once devoted himself with an intelligent skill that soon made him the foremost pioneer of celestial photography in this country.”

Canonbury

By the time of the 1851 Census, Warren de La Rue and his family had moved to No. 7 St. Mary’s Street, Canonbury, Islington. The information given to the census enumerator who called at his house on the 31st March 1851 is very illuminating in a number of respects.

On the personal level it shows that he was bringing up a young family – at the time it consisted of a daughter and two sons, but would eventually include two more sons. Surprisingly in the entry for occupation a great amount of information is provided, much more than is usually given. It states that Warren de la Rue was a Fellow of the Royal Society (elected in the previous years 1850), and that he was employed in the areas of Chemistry, Mechanics, Card Manufacturer, Engineer and a Wholesale Stationers business employing 410 people.

This revealing insight into his life showed that he was very much involved in his father’s considerable business activities; and that his scientific achievements in a number of disciplines were by 1851 becoming universally recognized in the highest of scientific circles.

At the ‘Great Exhibition’ a new photographic process called the Wet Collodion was introduced to the world by the photographer and sculptor Frederick Scott Archer. This new process over the next few years replaced the existing Daguerreotype and Calotype methods.

Warren de La Rue was quick to make use of Archer’s method, and enlisted the help of his friend Mr. William Henry Thornthwaite whose optical retail outlet in Newgate Street, London - ‘Horne, Thornthwaite & Wood’ supplied the Collodion mixture ready made up. By the end of 1852 he had succeeded in obtaining a number of tolerable positive collodion images of the Moon, on which he later remarked:

“In taking these early photographs, I was assisted by my friend Mr. Thornthwaite who was familiar with the employment of the new medium (collodion). At that period, I had not applied any mechanical driving motion to the telescope, so that I was constrained to contrive some other means of following the Moon's apparent motion; this was accomplished by hand; in the first instance by keeping a lunar crater always on the wire of the finder by means of the ordinary hand gear of the telescope, but afterwards by means of a sliding frame fixed in the eyepiece holder, the motion of the slide being adjustable to suit the apparent motion of our satellite; the pictorial image of the Moon could be seen through the collodion film, and could be rendered immovable in relation to the collodion plate, by causing one of the craters to remain always in apparent contact with a broad wire placed in the focus of a compound microscope, affixed at the
back of the little camera-box which held the plate."

This was the beginning of Warren de La Rue’s venture into Astrophotography, which he continued actively to practice for a number of years; always mindful of improving upon the quality of his work and the subject matter for his photographs. He was also fully aware that the lack of any mechanism to drive his telescope across the sky was greatly hampering the quality of the results obtained. It would be a number of years before he would correct this situation.

He discontinued any further attempt at Astrophotography whilst at Canonbury, and it was not until his move to his new home at Cranford in Middlesex in 1857, that he resumed his passion for imaging the heavens, as was reported in the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society (MNRAS) on the 11th December of 1857:

“Mr. De La Rue soon relinquished the pursuit of lunar photography, because it required two enthusiasts; one to uncover the mouth of the telescope, and one to follow the moon's apparent motion; and it was not easy to find a friend always disposed to wait up for hours, night after night, probably without obtaining any result. He, therefore, resolved to discontinue his photographic experiments till he had applied a clock-motion to his telescope. This he has done during the present year, and he has taken the earliest opportunity of resuming his experiments.”

In the last years of living at Canonbury Warren was also required to commit more and more of his time and energies to his father’s stationery business. Around 1858 his father Thomas de La Rue was planning his retirement; with the intention of moving away from his home at No. 84 Westbourne Terrace, Marylebone, London to live the life of a country squire.

Hasells Manor

‘Hasells’ is a beautiful Georgian mansion situated just outside of the village of Sandy in Bedfordshire some 60 miles from London and between the towns of Bedford and Cambridge. It was to ‘Hasells’ that Thomas de La Rue began his retirement in the summer of 1858, leaving Warren with the day to day running of his ever expanding business empire.

To all intents and purposes Thomas de La Rue became Lord of the Manor of Hasells, although without actually owning the estate, as is recorded in the Title Deeds associated with the property. These deeds give us great insight not only on the estate itself but also on the type of life Thomas led during his time there – one of hare coursing, shooting, fishing, and other sporting activities.

Lease dated 24th June 1858 for 21 years between (Summary of Main Points):

1) Francis Pym of the Hasells, Esq (landlord)

2) Thomas de la Rue of 84 Westbourne Terrace Middlesex, Esq (tenant)

Mansion House known as the Hasells with the offices, buildings, coachhouses, stables and the park, pleasure grounds, lawns, greenhouses, Hot house and gardens belonging (109 acres) with the use of all fixtures, furniture described in an inventory (see PM2822)

AND piece of land on south side of Park Farm Homestall with the Piggeries, Steaming House, Bullock Lodge, Cowhouses, Calfhouse, Chaff House, Root House, Hen House, 4 loose boxes, double planked barn and shelter house erected on it

AND joint use of Slaughter House

AND piece of arable land called Pound Close (11A, 3R, 32P)

AND piece of pasture land called The Saddle of Mutton Close (17A, 2R, 35P) subject to right of way for the time being of Hawkesbury Close along the bottom of the same land

AND piece of ground called Hanging Crofts (12A, OR, 27P)

AND 4 messuages called The Lodge, The Gardener's Cottage, The Shepherd's Cottage and the Butler's Cottage, now in tenure of Joseph Dean and Alexander McGregor, Richard Byewaters and Henry Salt all above Mansion and land late in occupation of Francis Pym, situated Sandy (described on plan see PM1615)

AND exclusive right and privilege of coursing, shooting, fishing, towing, and sporting in and over above lands and all the other lands of Francis Pym in Sandy and now in the occupation of his tenants over c1500 acres to full extent of right of Francis Pym as Lord of the manor of Hasells or as owner of said lands

AND right of fishing in Rivers and Streams beyond the limits of the said Manor

Right to take away fish, birds etc for own use

Right to preserve them and right to prosecute poachers

Maintenance clauses relating to House and Park no power to underlet

Covenant 2) will keep down rabbit population - power of 1) to re-enter with friends and servants to kill rabbits of 2) fails to keep this covenant

1) retains use of fireproof strong or Muniment Room in the said Mansion House and inner room adjoining; power of 1) to cross park, gardens, grnds, power of 1)'s surveyors and workmen to enter house to do landlord's repairs

1) Will pay tithe, land tax, sewers rate will insure house and fixtures, furniture etc.

Rent 690, 7s pa

Witness to 1) R Ruthven Pym, Clerk to Child and Co, 18 Leet St London prepared by Ranken, Ford and Vickerman

In the September of 1858 Warren’s mother died whilst living at Hasells Manor, but was buried in All Souls Cemetery in Kensal Green, London on the 29th of that month. It was not long afterwards that Thomas de La Rue remarried a young lady called Marie Eckers from Freiburg in Germany, on the 3rd September 1859 at a ceremony held in Stockholm, Sweden. At the time of their marriage he was 65 and she was no more than 24!

It was not surprising that Warren was left to look after the business.

Cranford

In 1857 Warren de La Rue moved home to Cranford in Middlesex. Cranford was a village some 12 miles to the west of central London and was reported at that time to be ‘prettiest village’ in the county – an ideal location for an Astrophotographer. Now it lies close to the northern runway of Heathrow Airport – definitely not an ideal location for an Observatory - or in fact any other form of peaceful living!

Here he set up his 13-inch Reflector in its own purpose built Observatory and installed the long needed clockwork drive. The final touch was to name his house – ‘The Observatory’ and to settle in his servants to do the hard work in looking after him and his family.

At the time of the 1861 Census – his household had six servants – a Footman, a Cook, a Nurse, two housemaids and a Kitchen Maid. Nearby also lived a coachman; who may well have been in the employment of Warren de La Rue. It is also interesting that the census records his occupation more in the form of a CV – giving his status as FRAS and Secretary, FRS, Fellow and Treasurer Chemical Society, PhD … chiefly in Astronomy and Chemistry; and strangely no mention of his father’s stationery business.

He began imaging the Moon again after completing the installation of a clockwork motor to his telescope. Shortly after settling into Cranford he also began attempts to photograph the planets.

He wrote the following regarding the photography of Jupiter and Saturn on the night of 7th December 1857, which appeared in the MNRAS for the 11th December 1857:

“As the night advanced I was able to take pictures of Jupiter in five seconds, in consequence of the planet attaining a greater altitude; and the position of Saturn being favourable for a comparison of its actinic power with that of Jupiter I turned the telescope alternately on each of these two planets, and found that to produce pictures of equal intensity, the sensitized plate had on the average to be exposed 5 seconds to Jupiter and 60 seconds to Saturn. Hence the chemical rays from Jupiter are twelve times more energetic than those from Saturn—an effect undoubtedly in a great measure attributable to the greater brilliancy of the former planet, but not, I believe, entirely so.”

In the same article published in December 1857 he went onto comment about the quality of the images taken and the detail they showed:

“The photographs of Jupiter and Saturn now submitted to the Society give promise that as the art advances it will prove to be of great service; at the same time it will be seen that they are very far from depicting the details which are represented in hand drawings of the planets, and indeed for such minute objects a long time will probably elapse before photography supersedes the pencil.”

At a meeting of the Royal Astronomical Society held in November of 1857 the following remarks appeared in the subsequent report, relating to Warren de La Rue’s photographs:

“The paper copies before the Society were derived from a positive picture, which in the telescope was obtained in five seconds. When this was procured he was unable to obtain a good negative in less than fourteen seconds. However, his friend, Mr. Hewlett, lately put him in the way of making negative collodion very sensitive, and he obtained negative impressions in ten seconds. Since this, by paying particular attention to the state of the bath, he had been very successful in still reducing the time of exposure, and had produced pictures, not only of the lunar surface, but also of
Jupiter, in from three to seven seconds. The photographs of Jupiter show his belts remarkably well.”

Although the images of Jupiter were small around 0.5mm across, however when magnified certain detail was to be observed as reported in the MNRAS. It was however to be another thirty years before the first truly successful planetary images were obtained by the Henry Brothers of the Meudon Observatory, Paris.

It was during his residence in Cranford that Warren de La Rue’s greatest work was done, and that for which he most famous – the Kew Photoheliograph and Solar Astrophotography.

Kew Photoheliograph

The origin of the Kew Photoheliograph as it became later known, lies in a letter written by Sir John Herschel to Colonel Edward Sabine, Secretary of the Royal Society, dated the 24th April 1854, in which he said:

" I consider it an object of very considerable importance to secure at some observatory, and indeed at more than one, in different localities, daily photographic representations of the sun, with a view to keep up a consecutive and perfectly faithful record of the history of the spots. So far as regards the general delineation of the whole disk, and the marking out on it, in reference to the parallel to the equinoctial passing through its centre, the places, sizes, and forms of the spots, there would need, I should imagine, no very powerful telescope,—quite the contrary; but it should be equatorially mounted, and ought to have a clock motion in the parallel…”

It was the start of Warren de La Rue’s interest in Solar Astrophotography.

As a result of Herschel’s plea, the Royal Society of London allocated a grant to the committee of the Kew Observatory to that end. Warren de La Rue took up the challenge and produced the design for his 'photoheliograph'.

Andrew Ross of London, the famous optical instrument maker was given the commission for its construction.

The Photoheliograph De La Rue and Ross created was the first of its kind – a photographic telescope or Astrograph specifically designed and constructed to take images of the Sun.

In essence it consisted of a small refracting telescope enclosed in a wooden case at the end of which was fitted a photographic plate holder. The completed design was described by De La Rue in the following words:

“The object-glass of the photoheliograph, it will be remembered, is of 3 4/10th inches clear aperture and 50 inches focal length, but the whole aperture is never used; it is always diminished more or less; and generally to about 2 inches, by a stop placed in front of the object-glass. The focal image of the sun at the mean distance is 0.466 inch. The focal image is not, however, received directly on the sensitive plate, as in the case of taking lunar and planetary photographs, but is enlarged before it reaches it by means of a secondary combination of lenses (an ordinary Huyghenian eyepiece), which
increases the picture to about 4 inches in diameter, thus magnifying the image about eight times linear, and diminishing the intensity of the light 64 times.”

The instrument had to overcome a number of design issues, and in particular those relating to reducing the exposure times in order to 'dim' the brightness of the Sun which produced over exposed plates.

The photoheliograph was completed in 1857, and transferred to the Kew Observatory, where it took its first picture of the Sun in March 1858:

“Photoheliograph erected in the dome of the Observatory was fully described in the last Annual Report; it has been repeatedly at work since the beginning of last March, and excellent photographic pictures of the solar spots and faculae were obtained. Certain alterations have been made by Mr. Welsh in order to regulate the time of exposure of the collodion plate to the sun's action; with these alterations the instrument gives very good results, but certain improvements in the arrangements of the secondary magnifying lens are under consideration, with the view of avoiding the depiction on the collodion negative of the inequalities in the glasses which compose it.”

It took a further two years to fully solve the many operational difficulties only hinted at in the above Report from the Kew Observatory. This work was done at De La Rue's Observatory in Cranford.

The types of problem encountered have been fully described by De La Rue in his paper on Celestial Photography published in the British Association’s Report for 1859. In it he describes for example how the extreme sensitive nature of the Collodion process was a hindrance in obtaining the sufficiently short exposure time needed to produce an acceptable image that was not ‘burnt out’:

“The late much-lamented Director of the Observatory, Mr. Walsh, suggested the plan which was ultimately adopted with success; instead of placing the sliding apparatus close to the collodion plate, he proposed that it should be made on a smaller scale and fixed as near the plane of the primary focus as possible. Mr. Beckley has skilfully carried out this suggestion; so that the apparatus answers its intended object most perfectly, and the production of
a solar picture is now at least as easy as that of a lunar picture…

Although the time of exposure is so short as to be scarcely appreciable, yet it is necessary to regulate its duration ; and it is therefore controlled by adjusting, 1st, the strength of the vulcanized cartouche spring; 2nd, the width of the aperture. In practice, the opening is usually varied between 1/10th and 1/20th of the diameter of the sun's focal image.”

It is interesting to note the method by which the ‘shutter’ was actually released. This was described by de La Rue in his Bakerian Lecture of 1860 on the photographic results obtained at the Total Solar Eclipse of July that year:

“Previous to taking the picture, the sliding plate is drawn up just so high that the imperforated part of it completely shuts off the sun's image; it is held in this position by means of a small thread attached to it at one end and looped at the other, the loop being passed over a hook on the top of the tube; and the slide is pulled downwards, in opposition to the thread, by means of a spring of vulcanized caoutchouc attached to the inferior side of the tube. When the picture is about to be taken, the retaining thread is set on fire, and the rectangular aperture, as soon as the sliding plate becomes released, flashes across the axis of the secondary object-glass—thus allowing the different parts of the sun's image to pass through it in succession, and to depict themselves one after another, after enlargement, on the collodion-plate.”

The instrument was fitted with a clockwork drive mechanism, but as De La Rue points out:

“No driving Machinery needed, except at a period of Total Eclipse.—It will be seen from the foregoing description that the clock-work driving apparatus, described at page xxxv. of the reports for 1857, can be of no service, because the photograph is taken in so small a fraction of time that no appreciable distortion of the sun's image would result in the interval by allowing the telescope to remain at rest. So rapid is the delineation of the sun’s image, that fragments of the limb, optically detached by the ‘boil’ of our atmosphere, are frequently depicted on the collodion, completely separated
from the remainder of the sun's disc; more frequently still from the same cause the contour of the sun presents an undulating line.

Although the clock-work driver is unnecessary for the daily work of the photoheliograph, it may prove of great value on the rare occasions of a total solar eclipse. It is to be hoped that it will enable the contemplated expedition to Spain, in July of next year, to obtain a photographic record of the feeble light of the Corona and the lied Flames; but it is by no means certain that their light will be sufficiently intense for that object. Even a failure, however, will prove of some value, for it will show that the image of these phenomena, when enfeebled by an enlargement of eight times linear, possesses too little actinic power to imprint their outline on a collodion plate in a given number of seconds; and thus data will be furnished for a future period.”

It was not until after the instrument's return from Spain to photograph the above referred to Total Eclipse of 1860 that it was permanently installed at Kew in 1861 – free from any defects or deficiencies.

Eclipse

Towards the end of January 1860 Warren de La Rue began preparing for an expedition to the village of Rivabellosa in Spain; with the intention of using the Kew Photoheliograph to photograph a Total eclipse of the Sun which was to take place there on the 18th of July that year.

It was trip fraught with both technical and logistical difficulties. If successful it would only be the second time anybody had ever obtained a photograph of a Total Eclipse of the Sun. The first photograph had been obtained in 1851 by Dr. August Ludwig Busch with the assistance of Mr. Berkowski, a Daguerreotypist from Konigsberg, but in this case no expedition was required as the ‘Totality’ took place on their ‘doorstep’.  Furthermore Rivabellosa was at that time a difficult place to reach especially with a baggage train of heavy equipment, as it necessitated travel through a narrow mountain pass.

However what concerned De La Rue more was the ability of the Kew Photoheliograph to take a successful image of Totality:

“I was aware that the largest telescope I could possibly take with me would only give an image of a very moderate size, and that any of the before-named defects in the collodion might fall over and obliterate, or so confuse the impression of any prominence in one photograph, as to render its identification with its impression in a subsequent photograph a matter of impossibility. These considerations led me to think that it would be very desirable to employ the Kew photo-heliograph, because in this instrument the primary focal image of the sun is enlarged from about half an inch in diameter to nearly 4 inches, which is a scale amply sufficient to counterbalance the disadvantages of the collodion process; but, on the other hand, the light is thus attenuated sixty-four times, besides being absorbed to some extent in passing through the two lenses composing the secondary magnifier, an ordinary Huyghenian eyepiece; and this question consequently presented itself, Would it be possible with such an enfeebled image to get even a single impression during the whole duration of the totality ? This was an extremely doubtful matter. By employing the Kew heliograph one would evidently run the risk of returning without any pictures of the totality, however many might be procured of the other phases of the eclipse.”

After conducting a number of inconclusive experiments at Kew Observatory with the Photoheliograph, De La Rue decided to risk it and go to Spain.

On the 7th July 1860, Warren de La Rue sailed from Plymouth onboard HMS ‘Himalaya’ with his party of Astronomers, Technicians, the Kew Photoheliograph and 34 cwt of supplies bound for the port of Bilbao. Two days later they arrived in Bilbao where they rested overnight before departing on the evening of the 10th July for Rivabellosa which lay some 70 miles away. The next day they arrived at Rivabellosa tired, and waited somewhat anxiously for the arrival of their equipment which had gone on ahead of them.

The equipment arrived intact on the evening of the 11th July. By the time evening came on the following day the equipment, the portable observatory and its darkroom had been erected; and in operation:

“Originally, merely a temporary tent in which to develop the photographs was procured; but when it was known that H.M.S. 'Himalaya' would be placed at the disposal of the Astronomer Royal. I put this aside, and caused a complete photographic observatory to be constructed, part to contain the heliograph with a removable roof, and part divided off and fitted up as a photographic room, with a cistern, to be filled from the outside, a sink, and with tables and shelves to hold the apparatus and photographs. This observatory took to pieces, and every part was marked when in its place, so that no time need be lost in putting it together again in its destined position. Besides the ordinary roof, there was another covering, consisting of strong canvas, supported at the distance of about three feet from the walls and roof of the developing-room. The object of this was to prevent the overheating of the photographic room, a circumstance most detrimental to photography. This canvas was kept wetted with water, in order that the evaporation might lower the temperature of the stratum of air between it and the observatory, and it fulfilled the object perfectly. The canvas, when the observatory was not in use, was drawn over the room containing the heliograph, and protected the instrument from rain.”

The expedition was a great success, and upwards of forty photographs taken during the Eclipse and two obtained during totality. Warren de La Rue’s fears that no visible image would be obtained at the moment of totality proved to be unfounded. His images revealed the Sun in all its glory complete with its Corona and Prominences.

It was the finest achievement of his illustrious career.

Gold Medal

In 1862, Warren De La Rue was awarded the Astronomical Establishment’s highest honour when he received the Gold Medal of the Royal Astronomical Society, for his work on Celestial Photography [36].

In the address given before the presentation of the medal the society’s President Dr. John Lee gave a detailed account of not only Warren de La Rue’s contributions to Astrophotography, but also of the development of the subject prior to 1862.

The following extracts will serve to indicate the high esteem and pride that was held at the time for Warren de La Rue and his achievements:

“You know that for many years Mr. De La Rue has devoted the energies of his mind, a large expenditure, and such leisure as he could abstract from the complicated cares of an extensive and well-known commercial concern, to the earnest cultivation and systematic pursuit of practical astronomy, and that he has been one of the most frequent contributors to our evening meetings, upon a variety of subjects — all requiring much knowledge, skill, and labour in their treatment.

 Discoveries in the regions of science so crowd upon us in our own times, that valuable inventions and striking results soon fade from the memory, and are lost in the brilliancy of those which rapidly succeed them.

I must therefore request your indulgence whilst I lay before you what it is that Mr. De La Rue has done to entitle him to receive, and which justifies the council in awarding him the highest honour that it is in the power of the Royal Astronomical Society to bestow.

Mr. De La Rue has not only conducted the usual observations which are made at most private observatories, but he has directed the resources of a rare mechanical genius to improvements in the most approved methods of polishing the specula of reflecting telescopes, and perfecting the mechanical arrangements by which operations of such refined nicety are performed.

 Lastly, by a rare and happy combination of chemical with mechanical skill, the time necessary for the exposure of the collodion film was materially shortened. The final result is this, — that images of the Moon have been repeatedly taken in the focus of the mirror, admitting of very considerable amplification, and exhibiting details on the Moon's surface sufficiently clear to admit of delineation under a microscope provided with a camera lucida, and thereby furnishing materials for a more accurate selenography than has heretofore existed.

I must now turn to a department in celestial photography, where Mr. De La Rue stands almost alone. I speak of Heliography. In April, 1854 Sir John Herschel, in a letter to Colonel Sabine, recommended that daily photographic records of the sun should be obtained at some observatory. Accordingly the Royal Society placed at the disposal of the Kew committee a sum of money to promote that object, and Air. De La Rue was requested to administer the grant.

Mr. De La Rue, during the progress of the same eclipse, took many large and exquisitely defined pictures, and secured two during the totality. I have no need to enter into details, as he has already described at several meetings of this Society, the numerical results that follow from the discussion, and the comparisons of the photographs which he took on that occasion. A paper, giving the result of his labours during the expedition to Rivabellosa, has been presented to the Royal Society, and is to be considered in March of this year.

More recently still, photographic pictures of the Sun have been obtained by Mr. De La Rue, not only exhibiting its well-known mottled appearance, but showing traces of Mr. Nasmyth's “willow leaves,” and by the aid of stereoscopic pictures rendering it certain that the faculæ are elevations in the Sun's photosphere.

If, then, we take collective note of all Mr. De La Rue's long and varied labors since the 14th March, 1851, when he became one of our members — such as the perfecting of the figures of mirrors, the graphic observations of the planets, the incomparable photographs of the moon, the invention of the photoheliograph, the observations on the solar eclipse, the invention of the new method of obtaining numerical data, the application of the stereoscope to the examination of the surface of the moon, and afterwards to that of the sun — sure am I that the society at large will unanimously approve of the award of their medal made by the council.

It may, however, be said by some ingenious critic that photography is only an art which bears but indirectly on the promotion of astronomy, and that the reward of its successful manipulation is rather the province of those societies to confer which cultivate the art of photography, or the science of chemistry. But I cannot admit the justice of this view. What should we now say of the early fellows of the Royal Society, if they had relegated Newton, when he invented the telescope that bears his name, to the Company of Spectacle Makers for his need of praise? What should we now think, had the barren honours which grace scientific discovery been denied to such mechanical inventors as Hadley, or Dollond, or Sir William Herschel, or Lord Rosse, or Lassell?  With them the name of De La Rue, I feel, will hold no inferior place.”

The President, then delivering the medal to Mr. De La Rue, addressed him in the following terms:

“Mr. DE LA RUE: In compliance with a resolution of the council, I have the pleasing duty of placing in your hands the highest tribute to merit which they have in their power to bestow. The instruments made or improved by you, the important uses to which you have applied them, and the liberality with which you have communicated the results of your discoveries to the public, all indicate, in the opinion of the council, a mind highly cultivated, whose energy has been directed, during many years, to the attainment of scientific perfection.

But your unceasing efforts and delicate manipulation in reducing the new and wonderful art of photography to astronomical purposes, and in rendering chemistry a handmaid to astronomy, supply the more immediate motive of their approbation.

May Divine Providence continue to bestow upon you health and intelligence, and every social blessing, enabling you still further lo illustrate the glory of the Creator, and to promote the rational enjoyment of our fellow-creatures.”

No more need be said.

Sunset

In about 1873 Warren de La Rue donated his telescope to the new Observatory that was soon to be completed at the University of Oxford, and moved from Cranford to London. From that date he gave up all astronomical research and also never took another photograph of the heavens. Why he did this remains something of a mystery and no satisfactory explanation has been found.

It is known that he began to conduct experiments on electricity with Dr. Hugo Muller, and even went so far as to build  a Physics laboratory near to his home, but this cannot be all that there was to it. Perhaps in the future some further insight on his motives for giving up something he had devoted over 30 years of life to may come to light.

By the time of the 1881 Census, we find him living at No. 73 Portland Place, near to London’s Regent’s Park with his wife Georgiana, two of his sons Ernest and Herbert, and ten servants – a Cook, a Lady’s Maid, a Scullery Maid, 3 Housemaids, a Butler and two Footmen. He gave his occupation as being retired from his stationery and printing business – no elaborate details were given as to his qualifications or research interests; a stark contrast to the remarks provided in the census of ten years earlier.

Warren de La Rue’s last exposure to his great passion for Celestial Photography came in 1887, when he took great interest in the ‘Carte du Ciel’ - a project proposed by Admiral Amadee Mouchez, the then director of the Meudon Observatory in Paris for charting the heavens by means of photography. Following the International Congress held to discuss the proposal at Paris in the April of that year; Warren de La Rue ‘on becoming acquainted with the results of the conference, he, in the most generous and liberal spirit, placed a considerable sum of money at the disposal of the Oxford University Observatory, to provide a suitable photographic telescope, so as to enable its distinguished director to take a full share in this important undertaking’.

It was an act of great generosity which in its own small way began the long and difficult task of completing a full photographic survey of the sky – something which the ‘Carte du Ciel’ in the end failed to do.

Warren de La Rue died on the 19th April 1889 at No. 73 Portland Place, London following a short attack of Pneumonia.  He had been in poor health for sometime.

No better tribute can be given to him than the words written at the end of the Obituary Notice which appeared in the MNRAS for 1890:

“By these characteristics of a generous nature, as well as by his masterly power, he won for himself the respect, the honour, and the devotion of all who knew him, and made his name illustrious among men.”

His time on Earth was at an end, but the heavens awaited others to follow in the sure knowledge that they could stand on shoulders as great as those of Warren de La Rue, PhD, FRAS, FRS, retired wholesale stationery manufacturer.

Illustrations

Thomas de La Rue & Co.: 110 Bunhill Row, London

Hasells Manor, Sandy, Bedfordshire, built c1720

Thomas de La Rue (1793 - 1866)

Warren de La Rue's 13-inch Reflecting Telescope

Moon at Last Quarter, c1862, Warren de La Rue

Warren de La Rue's 'Observatory' on a Map of 1874

Kew Photoheliograph, c1857

 

 Kew Photoheliograph at Rivabellosa, Spain in July 1860

Warren de La Rue's Photograph of theTotal Eclipse of the Sun in 1860

Tags: ,

Historical | Catchers of the Light

'The Comet Man'

by ArtdeCiel 28. June 2010 10:38

'The Comet Man'

William Usherwood (1821 - 1915)

 

“William Usherwood, a commercial photographer from Dorking, Surrey took the first ever photograph of a comet when he photographed Donati’s comet from Walton Common on the 27th September 1858, beating George Bond from Harvard Observatory by a night! Unfortunately, the picture taken by Usherwood has been lost.”

Comet

In the late summer of 1858 a great Comet appeared which was so bright it could easily be seen in broad daylight; people were awed by it, artists painted it and the great astronomers of the day tried to photograph it. The famous Astrophotographer, Warren de La Rue attempted to capture it and failed. George Phillips Bond, the son of the Director of the Harvard College Observatory, even succeeded in photographing it on the 28th September of that year. Although he would later find out that he was beaten to it – by a single day, and therefore lost his claim of being the first person ever to photograph a Comet.  

So which of the great observatories with their large telescopes claimed this remarkable feat as theirs: Greenwich, Berlin, Paris or St. Petersburg? , and who was the astronomer whose name would live forever in the annals of the History of Photography - George Airy, the Astronomer Royal; or Johann Galle, the discoverer of the Planet Neptune; or Giovanni Battista Donati, the comet’s discoverer?

It was none of them!

The honour went in fact to - William Usherwood, an unknown commercial photographer from Dorking, Surrey, England. Yet his name like the object he photographed shone brightly for a while, before disappearing into the dark depths of space and time. So why did William Usherwood, with the aid of the camera he used for photographing babies and weddings succeed; whilst Bond with the ‘Great Harvard’ Refractor at his disposal only managed a photograph of the comet, which he himself admitted was poor and a day too late?

Let us now tell William Usherwood’s story, which begins not on Walton Common where he captured the light of an object which man had not seen since the time before Rome ruled the known world; or at Dorking where he lived, but in the streets of London where he was born.

St. Marylebone

William Usherwood was born on the 31st August 1821 in the Parish of St. Marylebone, then in the City of Westminster; but which is now lost in the urban sprawl of the London metropolis. His father was John Hughes Usherwood, a skilled artisan who earned his living in the manufacture of wallpaper as a paper stainer. With wife Mary (nee Lacey) they bore six children five of whom survived into adulthood; William being the second born.

Very little is known of his early life or education. The first record of him after is birth is when he appears as a 17 year old in the 1841 Census living in Islington in the household of John Ashley, a Relieving Office, his wife Matilda and their son Edward, a Cabinet Maker. He appears to have had no occupation. He gives his age as 17 when in fact he was 19. The giving of false and misleading information is something William Usherwood did throughout his life. In future Census returns he never gave the same information twice and always gave a wrong age which varied from one decade to the next.

By the time of the 1851 Census he was 28 years old (incorrect) living at No. 95 Mary Street, near London’s Regents Park, and employed as a Portrait and Miniature Painter, born in Middlesex (correct). This was the first clue to the direction in life William Usherwood was to take and the career he would follow. It is quite likely that William’s choice of career was influenced to some extent by his father. The work of a Paper Stainer required a fair degree of artistic flair and knowhow to create the patterns on the wallpapers of the early decades of the 19th Century.

William Usherwood’s Baptism Entry St. Marylebone, 1821

 

St. Marylebone Church in 1827, William Usherwood was baptized here in 1821

 

Mary Street (middle right), Regents Park, London 1851

Victorian Wallpaper Patterns c1830 - 1850

 

During the early 1850s Photography was still a very new art form. It had only been just over a decade since Francois Arago first revealed to the world the remarkable work of Louis Daguerre. As a consequence the number of people employed as fulltime professional photographers was small - but growing rapidly. Many others like William Usherwood would later change from being artists or sculptors to the new media of Photography.

On the 25th October 1853 the then 32 year old (correct age!) portrait and miniature painter married Amelia Ann Westbrook, the daughter of James Westbrook, a Coach Painter.

Marriage of William Usherwood and Amelia Ann Westbrook, 1853

Shortly after his marriage William Usherwood moved to Walton Heath (Common), near to the village of Walton-on-the Hill in Surrey.

At Walton-on-the-Hill, William Usherwood set up in business as a Miniature Painter. For the next few years William worked at his trade, began to learn the new art of photography, and to bring up a large family. As the summer of 1858 approached William Usherwood’s destiny and Donati’s Comet awaited him.

Walton Heath, Walton-on-the-Hill, Surrey, 1927

 

Giovanni Battista Donati

One night in the October of 1858 the British born author Houston Stewart Chamberlain, then just three years old looked out of a window and saw the ‘Great Comet’. Like millions of others around the world, It created an impression they would remember for the rest of their lives.

He later wrote the following account of the experience:

“I will always be grateful that fate has allowed me to witness the comet of 1858. I had just turned three years old, as this meteor, discovered in June, approached in September and filled a width of 64 degrees of the dark autumn sky in October with its mild and nevertheless radiating gloss — for my ‘short-sighted’ eye like a living and pulsating heart. Even today, after nearly 60 years, I can still remember the comet, as if I had seen it only yesterday; I could draw an exact map of the room with three windows, at which left one I was lifted on a chair every evening before I went to sleep, to look at the phenomenon in the sky, and I remember the pain I felt inside, when after watching a while — my small face stuck to the windowpanes — the maid came to bring me to bed. Never again there appeared such an enchanting light-phenomenon out of the darkness of the infinite universe that can be compared with the comet of 1858; the senses of he who witnessed it with a receptive soul will be opened forever for the unexpected miracles that contradict everyday life. My whole life long this radiating star was to me as a symbol of the inexhaustible possibilities of nature“

Before the invention of the telescope, comets seemed to appear out of nowhere in the sky and gradually vanish out of sight. They were usually considered bad omens of deaths of kings or noble men, or coming catastrophes, or even interpreted as attacks by heavenly beings against terrestrial inhabitants. From ancient sources, such as Chinese oracle bones, it is known that their appearances have been noticed by humans for millennia. Some authorities interpret references to "falling stars" in Gilgamesh, the Book of Revelation and the Book of Enoch as references to comets, or possibly bolides.

On the night of the 2nd June 1858 the Italian astronomer Giovanni Battista Donati was observing the heavens from the Florence Observatory. In the sky that night near to the border between the constellations of Cancer (Crab) and Leo (Lion), he saw a ‘small nebulosity of 3’ in diameter’ through the eyepiece of his telescope, in a position where no known star or nebulae was to be found.

Giovanni Battista Donati (1826 – 1873)

 

Subsequent observation over the course of a few hours showed its true nature – it was a new comet. The discovery was quickly communicated within the worldwide astronomical community. An orbit was soon calculated and it became clear that this was a long period comet which had last appeared some ninety or so years before the birth of Christ.

Over the course of the next few months astronomers around the world observed and measured its progress with great interest. One of them the American Astronomer, Benjamin Apthorp Gould (1824 – 1896) wrote a detailed account in the ‘Astronomical Journal’ of the progress of the Comet from ‘small nebulosity of 3’ in diameter’ to its final status as the ‘Great Comet of 1858’.

 

The following is an extract from Gould’s paper:

 

June. At the time of the first detection of the comet by Mr. DONATI, June 2, he describes it as a small nebulosity about 3' in diameter, and of uniform brightness. This appearance continued until the month of August, in the course of which a sensible condensation of the light toward the center became manifest, though not sufficiently definite to be called a nucleus.

 

September 3. The comet, according to Mr. DONATI, first became visible to the naked eye ; and with the aid of low powers, a tolerably defined nucleus was perceptible, having a mild light, and being elongated in a direction perpendicular to the tail, which was about 2° long. Under high powers, the nucleus almost disappeared. After this date, the diameter of this supposed nucleus went on decreasing, and its form, at first elliptic, was modified : it became more and more sharply defined; its light grew more brilliant, and the surrounding nebulosity seemed to dilate.

 

........

 

September 4. The comet was first seen at Albany with the naked eye, the weather having been cloudy since August 24. Mr. SEARLE estimated the appearance as being like that of a star of the third magnitude, with a very slight tail.

 

September 25. At 4.30 a.m. the envelope which CHACORNAC had seen so near the nucleus on the 23d, had become separated from it by a considerable interval, and a fifth envelope was seen just detaching itself. Traces of polarization were also perceptible to him. Between this date and October 8, two more envelopes, the sixth and seventh according to CHACORNAC, were thrown off from the nucleus; the sixth being quite brilliant, and showing light clearly polarized. The tail was estimated by Mr. LOGAN, of Sacramento, as 8° or 9° in length.

 

September 26. The tail, according to Mr. LOGAN, was from 10° to 11° long.

 

September 28. By the rotation of a Nicoll's prism placed in the focus of the great telescope, Mr. CHACORNAC found that great variations in the light could be produced; the minimum being when the small diameter, and the maximum when the large diameter, of the prism was parallel to the axis of the tail. The tail, according to Mr. LOGAN, was 17° or 18° long.

 

.....

October 9. Mr. TOOMER, in Albany, estimated the length of the tail as 30°, and the maximum breadth as 10°. Mr. SEARLE made the length to be 33°, but called this a poor estimate. Mr. THOMAS M. LOGAN, in Sacramento, California, estimated the length at 30°.

October 10. Mr. SEARLE, at the Dudley Observatory, noticed not only that the nucleus was eccentric in reference to the coma, but also that the intense brilliancy from the nucleus extended about twice as far on the northern as on the southern side. The length of the main portion of the tail, according to his estimate, was 37°: one of the faint branches, however, extended to the length of 43°. The breadth at delta serpentis was 40°, the bright portion tapering from that point to the extremity, where the breadth, including faint branches, was roughly estimated at 10°.

The above account clearly shows that Comet Donati was a truly great comet easily visible to the naked eye with a magnificent tail that grew to as large as 40o across - as was depicted in many artists’ drawings and paintings of the day.

Donati’s Comet from an engraving of 1858

Harvard

If a sweepstake had have been held as to who would photograph Donati’s Comet first, then the heavy betting and firm favourite would have without doubt been on Harvard College Observatory. The Observatory in 1858 under its Director William Cranch Bond (1789 – 1859) and his son George Phillips Bond (1825 – 1865) had an excellent track record in Astrophotography. They had the necessary experience, the expertise and in the Observatory’s 15” Refractor – the equipment (or so it seemed!).

William Cranch Bond in the September of 1858 was nearly 70 years old and in poor health, so it was left to his son George Bond to take up the challenge of being the first person to image a Comet and Donati’s was his target.

Comet Donati fascinated George Bond and he spent a great amount of time studying it and in writing up his findings. This is evident by his 558 page report he compiled entitled - ‘Account of the Great Comet of 1858’.

‘Great Harvard’ 15” Refractor c1847

 

In the introduction to his account Bond made his intentions and reasons for studying Donati’s Comet very clear, he wrote the following:

“Few departments of astronomy have been pursued -with greater industry and success, or have participated more fully* in the general advance of the science, than the investigation of the motions of comets in our system. Nothing which labor and skill can supply has been wanting to secure exactness in the determination of their places in the heavens, and in the reduction of the elements directly dependent upon observation to a form suitable for theoretical discussion. The
development of the theory of their motions has also been carried to a high degree of perfection, and has furnished methods of calculation, by which their courses are represented and predicted with a degree of accuracy only limited by
the necessary uncertainties of the observed positions.

When, however, the physical organization of comets becomes the special object of inquiry, and the attention is directed to almost any of their characteristics distinguishable from the simple motion of their centres of gravity about the Sun, we find an extensive field of research which has scarcely yet been entered upon. Of the laws which govern the mysterious evolutions of comets, we know little beyond the uncertain information suggested by conjecture and analogy; we are still at a loss to account for some of the simplest features of their aspect, and have not even arrived at a clear and definite statement of the facts of their phenomena which should be subjected to theoretical discussion.”

It was clear that Bond’s main intention to was study the Comet and not to photograph it. In Bond's account of Donati’s Comet of 1858, his only comment relating to photography was:

 "On the 28th, the image of the nucleus in the focus of the large refractor afforded distinct photographic action, but the surrounding luminosity was not intense enough to form a picture".

 He later reported that:

 "An attempt was made to photograph the image of the Comet in the focus of the Great Refractor, but only the nucleus and a little nebulosity 15" in diameter acted on the plate in an exposure of six minutes".

The record of Bond’s attempt to photograph Donati’s Comet on the night of the 28th September 1858 has survived in his notebook entry for that date. In it he states that three plates were taken which he referred to as Plates I, II and III.

Plate III had the longest exposure of six minutes and Bond notes:

“Think this took. On examination with microscope this plate exhibits an undoubted image of 15” diam. & Oval. Sky not quite clear & clouded suddenly”.

It is interesting to note that the size of the head of the comet in Bond’s photograph was only 15” across – which meant very little of the comet was captured, given the fact that it actually covered a considerable area of sky many degree across. A contemporary painting of the Comet shows it next to the constellation of Ursa Major (i.e. the ‘Great Bear’ or ‘Plough’), and has an angular size greater than the constellation itself, i.e. over 25 degrees. This is confirmed by the observations reported in Gould’s paper of 1858.

Remarkably Bond's Plate III has survived and is to be found at the Harvard College Observatory in its Plate Stacks. In the middle of the photograph is a ball of grains representing the comet; only the head is visible. The tail of the comet is not apparent in his six minute exposure. Bond’s attempt at imaging Comet Donati was without doubt a complete failure.

Bond’s horse had fallen and no clear winner was yet in sight.

George Bond’s Notebook Entry for 28th September 1858

 

Donati’s Comet drawn by George Phillips Bond, 1858

 

Walton Common

It is not hard to understand why William Usherwood should find himself on Walton Heath (Common) in the late September of 1858. The ‘Great Comet’ was clearly visible in broad daylight as it neared its closest approach to the Sun. It would have been the talking point on everyone’s lips in the streets, the pubs and shops of Walton-on-the-Hill where he lived. It was the ideal opportunity for William Usherwood to obtain an unusual and once in a lifetime photograph. In all likelihood his family and customers would have urged him on.

Walton Common was the perfect location to capture the Comet. It was high up, being some several hundred feet above sea level, provided unobstructed views of the sky, and was very also close to Usherwood’s home. Walton Common is an area of heath land which lies close to the village of Walton-on-the-Hill, and is some 10 km (6 miles) Northeast of Dorking.  The exact location of where he took his photograph is not known.

In the official History of the Royal Astronomical Society, E. H. Grove-Hills reported reported rather begrudglingly in 1923 that:

"The only recorded photograph is one taken by Mr. Usherwood on Walton Common with a stationary camera furnished with a portrait lens of short focus.... We must content ourselves with noting the fact that Mr. Usherwood's was the first photograph taken of a comet.”

Walton Heath in 1874 Ordnance Survey Map

Modern Ordnance Survey Map of Walton Heath (Common)

This report echoes the only published contemporary reference to Mr. Usherwood, from the Monthly notices of the Royal Astronomical Society in 1859:

“Although Mr. De La Rue was unsuccessful in producing an impression of the comet with his telescope of 10 feet focal length, Mr. Usherwood, an artist residing on Walton Common, succeeded in obtaining, in 7 seconds, a good negative with a portrait lens of short focus. The camera was stationary, hence the image is somewhat imperfect, nevertheless it bears enlargement of four times tolerably well. Mr. Usherwood's residence is situated about 700 feet above the sea level, and it is possible that his success is in some degree attributable to this circumstance, but is chiefly due to the large area of the portrait lens and the relative shortness of its focal distance. So far as the Council has been informed this is the only instance of a photograph of Donati's comet having been obtained.”

So the famous pioneer of Astrophotography Warren de La Rue had tried also and failed, his horse had gone lame and was out of the running.

An important discussion relevant to technical aspects of comet photography is found in the correspondence between George Bond and the well-known British amateur astronomer Richard C. Carrington. In a letter that Bond wrote to
Carrington on 4 April 1858 on other matters, he mentioned:

"We obtained a photograph of the Comet on Sept. 28th. On Oct 5th it was visible in the daytime."

Carrington later wrote on 26 May 1859:

"Herewith I send a copy of Usherwood's photograph of Donati's Comet, same size as the original on plate, of which he has obliged me with 4 or 5 copies for distribution."

No mention is made of the date of the photograph, and indeed Bond responded by requesting the date. Writing to Carrington on 11 June 1858, Bond replied:

“I am so much interested in the photograph which you had the kindness to send that I cannot help sitting down at once to thank you for the favor.

Here is a very singular fact. The camera lens, with its short focus, affords a strong image of the nebulosity of the tail at a point where the intensity of the light was probably a thousand times less than that of the nucleus. And this, too, in seven seconds.... Whereas, with an object glass of probably eight or ten times the area, we barely obtained an impression of the nucleus itself in 360 seconds on the following day, September 28.”

There is nothing to tell us why Bond gave priority to Usherwood by one day. Perhaps something was written on the photograph itself.

On the next pages, Bond notes:

“I have long thought that there was a kind of sympathy in the photographic action light acting at one point rendering neighboring points more sensitive and that possibly a star image slightly out of focus might 'take' quicker than when reduced to a minimum area. If this theory be true then a poor telescope would be better than a good one, which would be introducing a new principle in practical astronomy.”

 Bond's concluding postscript, is very interesting:

"I take the liberty of enclosing two notes with the request that you will forward them. Mr. Usherwood's address I do not know. I have written to him for particulars about the photograph.”

The Harvard University Archives contains not only a copy of Bond's letter to Usherwood written on 11 June 1859, but also, wonderfully, Usherwood's reply, which includes new information about the photograph and the camera that took
it.  The form of address used by Bond, "— Underwood Esq.", shows that he did not know Usherwood's first name.

“Mr. Carrington, Secretary of the Royal Astronomical Society, has had the kindness to forward to me a copy of the photograph of the comet taken by you in Sept. last. It has interested me so much that I take the liberty of addressing you for some further particulars respecting it. Will you have the kindness to inform me of the size of the camera, its aperture & focal length, the time of exposure, the date when the picture was taken? Is the copy of the same size with the original and lastly was there any particularity in the preparation of the plates? By an answer to the above you will greatly oblige...”

Usherwood replied with the following details:

“I read your letter of Mr. Carrington & in reply I beg to state that the Plate sent to you by Mr. C is a copy the same size with the original negative my camera is for plates nine inch square Lens three & a quarter inch, a Portrait Lens twelve inch focal length Time of exposure from seven to nine seconds.

The Development by Gallic acid and acetate of Lead, then the Collodion was prepared by my self. I think it was on the 27 of Sep" last I did the negative.”

So the first source we have found for the date of 27 September for Usherwood's photograph (other than Bond's remark) was Usherwood's uncertain memory, from months after the fact. Perhaps Usherwood's tentative statement of the date should make everyone question the chronology, although Bond who was known for his scientific integrity never disputed it, and must have been in possession of information that indicated he had been beaten to the post. Even if Usherwood’s photograph had been taken after Bond’s the fact remains that nobody has ever disputed that his image was a success and by inference one which had captured the comet’s magnificent tail.

Usherwood not only provides the value of the focal length but also gives a range for the exposure time from 7 to 9 seconds, instead of the 7 seconds given in the Monthly notices. His figures for focal length and objective diameter — which are obviously definitive — give f/3.7, compared with the f/2.4 that Daniel Norman calculated from Bond's assumption for unknown reasons of 12-inch focal length and 5-inch aperture.

The only contemporary reference to Usherwood's photograph in England, in the Monthly notices for 1859, did not refer to Bond's photograph. Though Bond mentioned his photograph without qualification to Carrington, he minimized its importance when writing for publication, perhaps because the image was so tiny and because no tail showed. In his magnum opus of 1862 on Donati's Comet, he mentioned his photograph in one place and Usherwood's in two places.

As Daniel Norman stated in 1938 in his article on the development of astronomical photography:

"Although it has been assumed for many years that Bond took the first photograph ever made of a comet (Donati's comet of 1858), an English commercial photographer named Usherwood actually preceded him by two days [sic], and succeeded in photographing the comet's magnificent tail, where Bond succeeded only in photographing its nucleus".

However, as the correspondence shows, not only is Norman's "two days" contradicted by Usherwood's letter, but the order of priority is itself not beyond doubt. In his article, Norman calculated, on the basis of the relative sizes and focal lengths, that not only was Usherwood's lens faster but also he must have had a much more sensitive Collodion plate. The knowledge that Usherwood's lens was not in fact as fast as Norman thought strengthens that conclusion. But since an f/3.7 lens is easier to produce than an f/2.4 lens, it may be easier to understand the answer to Norman's conundrum:

"There remains, however, the mystery of where Usherwood obtained a photographic lens of so large an aperture and so small a focal ratio at that early date. Did he make it himself?"

 Because of its larger focal ratio, the lens that Usherwood actually had was not as difficult to obtain as the lens Norman believed him to have had.

Dorking

Just like Comet Donati, William Usherwood disappeared from the spotlight and was forgotten by the world. In about 1861 after the ‘Great Comet’ had gone back into the depths of space from whence it came, William Usherwood moved from his home at Walton Heath to the nearby town of Dorking. He seems to have been totally unaware of the legacy he had created for himself and the brief ruffling of feathers and egos he had caused in the Astronomical hierarchy.

By the time of the 1861 Census we find him living at Falkland Road in Dorking working primarily as a Miniature Painter. He was obviously still not confident enough to earn his living from photography alone. He certainly had the ability to do so as demonstrated from his success in photographing Donati’s Comet and the technical knowhow he showed in his communications with George Phillips Bond of Harvard.

He also it seems enjoyed a good deal of success as a ‘miniaturist’ if a newspaper article which appeared in 1913 is to be believed:

“He had the honour of painting portraits of Queen Victoria and Princess Alice for the Duchess of Gloucester. Paintings of the Duke of Wellington and Prince Oscar of Sweden have also been executed by him”

It has to be said the article is riddled with errors, so the above claims must be treated with some scepticism. For example it says it was written in celebration of their 70th wedding anniversary, in fact they had just reached their 60th. It also states that he was born in Dorking, but it somehow managed to get the date of his birth absolutely correct! – considering William Usherwood’s predilection for misinformation. He also reached a very unusual ‘coming of age’ at 31!

 

 Dorking High Street, 1905

Newspaper Article on the Celebration of their 60th wedding Anniversary in 1913

 

In the coming years he began to carry out ever increasing numbers of photographic commissions and by the time of the 1871 Census he gave his occupation as ‘Artist & Photographer’. He still continued the practice of giving as much incorrect information as possible to the ‘authorities’ – he now stated he was born in Chelsea and was only 48, when in fact he was 49. He was still living in Falkland Road, Dorking.

 

However no supporting contemporary documents have been found to support William Usherwood’s claim to Royal Patronage.

 

His family had also flourished in the years since Comet Donati’s disappearance; by the end of 1872 he and his wife Amelia had sired eleven children, 3 sons and eight daughters. As an aside, George Phillips Bond, Giovanni Battista Donati and Robert Carrington had not fared so well – they were all dead by 1875.

 

Sometime between 1882 and 1887, the family and his studio moved to Shrub House at No. 32, High Street, Dorking (the building is now demolished and is the site of a Sainsbury’s supermarket!) . He was still there at the time of the 1901 census.

 

By 1907, William had sold his photographic business to John W. Moorhouse and was enjoying his retirement living at Sefton Villa, in North Holmwood, Dorking. 

 

 

Post Office Directory Entry for William Usherwood, 1878

 

Three of William and Amelia’s children went on to become photographers - Charles William George Usherwood in Sheffield, Ernest Frank Usherwood in Nottingham and Egmont Augustus Usherwood in Norwich and later Bishop Auckland. Another child, Clarice Rose Ann Usherwood married a photographer (William Henry Wallace Tuck (1856 – c1910) and lived in Cheltenham.

 

As was common in those days, the younger daughters Florence and Rose (Rosina) stayed at home to look after their parents and probably never married.

 

William died on the 4th November 1915 at his real age of 94, and Amelia died two years later in 1917.

 

Unidentified Portrait by William Usherwood, Artist & Photographer of Dorking

William Usherwood, Artist & Photographer of Dorking Business Card

 

Lost

 

From the evidence presented it appears that William Usherwood made a number of full size copies of the original photograph he took of Donati’s Comet; presumably these were contact prints onto either paper or other Collodion plates. There is no trace today of the Usherwood photograph that was sent to Harvard. Moreover, despite searches made by myself and other researchers in both England and America, neither the location of the original nor any of the copies has been found.

In fact, by the turn of the century, the Harvard copy was known to be lost. As Edward Singleton Holden, Director of the Lick Observatory wrote in 1897, referring to the print of Usherwood's photograph that Carrington sent to Bond:

 "Carrington's enclosed photograph is not now to be found, I believe. The photograph was unknown to Dr. De la Rue, apparently.... Both these photographs — the first ever made of comets — have remained unnoticed by all the historians of astronomical photography, up to this time, so far as I know.”

Before we finish our story of William Usherwood, one thing remains – to explain why the firm favourite George Bond fell at the winning post and other contenders such as Warren de La Rue were well beaten by the rank outsider from Dorking?

The answer lies in the famous phrase - ‘horses for courses’ – very appropriate given our equine racing analogy.

Looking back over these events which took place over a century and a half ago, we as photographic historians are fortunately blessed with both hindsight and the advantage of superior technical know how. If I were to have put money on the outcome of the ‘Donati Comet Stakes’ it would not have been on Bond or de La Rue, but on Usherwood. This is not because they were not capable; they were without doubt two of the greatest pioneers of Astrophotography. So why was my money on Usherwood?

George Bond and Warren de La Rue were scientists first and foremost who viewed Comets as objects to study, to Usherwood they were just another subject to Photograph. There is no evidence to suggest that William Usherwood was ever interested in Comets or in Astronomy. His photograph of Comet Donati was the only one he ever took of an Astronomical object.

In his report on the ‘Great Comet of 1858’ George Bond only made one comment on his photograph and that was to say it was no good. He dismissed it and went onto write the remaining 558 pages (less two lines) of his account. It was clear he had no interest in pursuing a race to be the first to photograph Donati’s Comet or indeed any other.

Warren de La Rue was to me a more likely contender to win than Bond. He was a thoroughbred Astrophotographer, who had won the Royal Astronomical Society’s Gold Medal in 1862 for his great contributions in this field.

So what went wrong?

Imaging Comets even with today’s sophisticated Astronomical CCD cameras and DSLRs (digital single lens reflex) is not an easy task; and is something that requires great care if the modern day Astrophotographer is to succeed. The most important consideration and the one that both Bond and de La Rue failed to heed – was to choose your equipment carefully. Having said that they could only use what they had at their disposal – and that is why they failed.

The well equipped modern day Astrophotographer has usually a number of different equipment configurations at his disposal. The choice of equipment for a particular target will vary depending upon the characteristics of the object. Furthermore the correct combination of both telescope and camera are requirements for success.

There are certain types of equipment he would never use to image say a large faint nebula, but which he would use to photograph a Planet. For example I would use a large format astronomical CCD (i.e. one with a 35mm size chip) and a telescope with a small focal ratio f7 or smaller to image a large faint nebula such as the iconic ‘Horse’s Head’ nebula in Orion, but never ever use it to image a Planet like Jupiter. For this I would use a telescope with a large f ratio say f20 or more and a Webcam to take a series of snapshot images and combine them to produce a single high quality shot.

Comets like planets move across the heavens faster than the stars. Comets are brightest when they are near to perihelion and they also move faster. The ‘Great Comets’ like Donati are also large and require a wide field of view. The use of a webcam is out of the question as they only capable of imaging objects with small fields of view, because of the limited size of their CCD chips.

In order to obtain a good image of a Comet it is necessary to use a telescope and a camera with a large field of view and a small focal ratio, which will enable short exposures to be taken which will capture all of a comet’s detail i.e. both its head and tail.

Edward Emerson Barnard the great American Astronomer used such a configuration to take some of the finest images of Comets in the years from 1892 to 1894.

Edward Emerson Barnard’s Photograph of Comet Brooks taken in 1894

 

But I hear you all say (well for those who have been watching the race anyway!) that Usherwood didn’t use a telescope! Quite right – he used the other configuration the modern day Astrophotographer would use - a fixed camera on a tripod with a low ‘fast’ focal ratio – a DSLR in our case and a Box Camera in his, specially adapted to develop wet Collodion Plates.

This option is quick to set up and is capable of being used at short notice when an object of interest appears and is needed to be captured quickly. It is also able to capture much wider fields of view than an astronomical CCD/telescope combination. It is my preferred configuration for imaging a Comet and is ideal for capturing the ‘perfect shot’. It must be remembered that the framing of a photograph and the background are important considerations, especially with a Comet and its ephemeral nature.

This was just the scenario that faced William Usherwood on Walton Common on the 27th September 1858.

He was in the right place at the right time, but most important of all he used the right equipment. The churlish amongst you will say, that it was the only equipment he had! That may be true, but how many great achievements and events in history have been based on luck rather than judgement.

William Usherwood was unknown to the world when he photographed Donati’s Comet and a hundred fifty years later he is still unknown to all but a few. Perhaps more people will now give him his fifteen minutes of fame – the same time it probably took him to be the first person to photograph that most elusive and magnificent of all astronomical phenomena – a ‘Great Comet’.

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Historical | Catchers of the Light

'The Common Man'

by ArtdeCiel 24. June 2010 02:48

'The Common Man'

Andrew Ainslie Common (1841 - 1903)

“Andrew Ainslie Common was a pioneer in the construction of large silvered mirror telescopes. He showed the potential of such instruments to photograph the heavens provided they were accurately driven. Two of his telescopes are still in operation today. He was one of the great Astrophotographers”

Procedures & Techniques

Andrew Ainslie Common was without doubt one of the great pioneers of Astrophotography, not particularly because of the photographs he took; in fact he took very few during the course of his lifetime. His chief claim to fame lies in the techniques and procedures he used to capture them, but even more importantly in the telescopes he constructed and designed specifically for Deep Sky Astrophotography.

His legacy lives on today, for two of the great reflecting telescopes he constructed over a century ago, are still in use and helping us understand the universe in which Andrew Common first gazed upon so long ago. Let us now turn the pages of history back over 150 years to a world far different from the one fate decreed Andrew Ainslie Common would follow.

Newcastle-upon-Tyne

Andrew Ainslie Common was born on the 7th August 1841 in Oxford Street, in the parish of St. Andrew’s, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, the second of the three children of Thomas Common, a surgeon of that city, and his wife Mary (nee Hall).

 

The area of Newcastle where Andrew Common was born was at the time a new residential area on the outskirts of the city. The empty spaces around his home were soon to disappear as the city’s population rapidly expanded in the coming years; as is evident from the map which shows the ominous presence of land allocated for new buildings in 1843. It maybe thought that Andrew was immune from the poverty, disease and depravation that many tens of thousands in the city were accustomed to. This was far from being the case, indeed the opposite was true.

 

All Saints Church, Newcastle, Andrew Common was baptised here 2nd September 1841

His father, Thomas Common was a respected and well known surgeon in the North of England, being one of the early pioneers in the field of eye cataract surgery. He had qualified as a Surgeon and Apothecary, becoming a member of the Royal College of Surgeons in 1832, aged 22. He subsequently trained other Apprentice Surgeons, who later would make great contributions to helping the poor, sick and needy in the city; the most well known being Dr. Charles John Gibb, the House Surgeon at the Newcastle Infirmary.

As a young boy growing up in Newcastle with his brother John and his sister Mary, he was always aware of the fragility of life. His father’s profession must have been a constant reminder to him of this hard lesson. The city of Newcastle had during the period 1831 to 1853 suffered a number of cholera epidemics caused by poor sanitation and the presence of much slum housing.

In 1842, the year following Andrew’s birth his father was appointed the resident surgeon at the nearby Gateshead Dispensary. The Gateshead Dispensary was established in 1832 as a direct consequence of the cholera the previous year.  Its purpose was to provide free medical care to those unable to pay for it – the poor and the deprived. As is always the way it was too little too late - the cholera outbreak of 1831 had already killed 306 people. It had taken this shock treatment for the ‘great and the good’ of Gateshead to be stirred into action!

 

Charles Gibb Indenture 1st July 1841 – Apprentice to Thomas Common, Surgeon

 

Appointment of Thomas Common as Surgeon at Gateshead Dispensary May 1842

Gateshead Dispensary, Nelson Street, (1832 – 1946) Plaque

 

 

Gateshead Dispensary, Nelson Street (built 1855), c1890

Morpeth

Thomas and Mary Common tried as best they could to shield their young children from the lives of those less fortunate from themselves and perhaps to avoid bringing sickness on them. As a result of this concern the family moved from the city of Newcastle itself and Thomas Common’s work, to the more pleasant surrounding of the market town of Morpeth. By the time of the 1851 Census the family are to be found living at No. 16 Newgate Street, although Thomas Common was not at home, but visiting a fellow surgeon Mr. Frederick Beavan at his home in Shotley.


Newgate Street, Morpeth, c1890

Andrew Common was about ten years old when he first became interested in Astronomy; and often used a telescope his mother had borrowed from a young surgeon called John Pickering Bates; whose parents John and Isabella Bates owned the grocer’s shop at No. 94 Newgate Street, just up the road from where they lived. However, Andrew Common’s newly found passion for Astronomy was abruptly and tragically put on hold.

In about 1852 Thomas Common died, leaving his family in poor financial circumstances, but not destitute. It is known that Mary Common was in receipt of annuities as is evident from the 1851 Census which lists her as married with the added status of ‘Annuitant’. Furthermore, Mary Common had two other things going for her – firstly, the help and support she received from her three brothers – Matthew, George and Walter Hall; and secondly the sheer determination and resourcefulness of her own children.

The Hall family into which Mary was born was a large one. Her father Walter Hall and her mother Jane (nee Anderson) had six daughters including Mary and three brothers. It was also a knit close family who also possessed tremendous business sense. In 1841, Mary’s two brothers George and Walter lived with Thomas and Mary Common at Oxford Street, Newcastle; whilst her other brother Matthew Hall was fully occupied with his business activities – something which he never stopped doing.

It is not known what type of education Andrew and his siblings received or the length of time it lasted, but it is clear that they were educated children, who would in later life make something of themselves. Andrew’s elder brother John Freeland Fergus Common was to make his career as an Iron Ship Builder and later on as a Naval Architect; whilst his younger sister Mary Jane married in 1878 Henry Austen Hensman a sanitary engineer from London.


Tynemouth

Shortly after her husband’s death, Mary Common moved her family to the picturesque coastal town of Tynemouth to live with her younger brother George Hall, the manager of a local White Lead Works.

Tynemouth, Northumberland, c1890

It is possible that whilst living in Tynemouth, young Andrew renewed his acquaintance with the telescope he had grown fond of in Morpeth. John Pickering Bates its owner had by 1855 qualified as a surgeon, and had set up his practice at No. 15 Saville Street in Tynemouth. He later married in Tynemouth and continued working there as a surgeon until his retirement in about 1879, when he moved back to Morpeth.

By the time of the 1861 Census Mary Common is found living at her brother’s house at No. 8 Tynemouth Place, Tynemouth with her eldest son John and her daughter Mary Jane, but no sign of Andrew Ainslie Common.

Tynemouth Place, Tynemouth

Gayton

Andrew first known employment was working with his uncle Walter Hall. Sometime before 1850, Walter Hall, a baker by trade met a young lady called Mary Anne Matthews, the daughter of Robert Matthews a miller from the village of Gayton in Norfolk. Robert Matthews a widower had in 1845 married Andrew’s Aunt Margaret Chapman (nee Hall) the widow of Jasper John Chapman. Walter Hall married Mary Anne Matthews in 1850 and moved to Gayton.

At the time of the 1851 census Walter Hall was listed as being a farmer employing 3 men, and his wife a miller employing 4 men. Ten years later in 1861, Walter Hall was running the Mill at Gayton, and Andrew Ainslie Common was employed there as a Miller. He was then 19 years old.

Gayton Mill in 1910 and in 2003

It is not known when Andrew Common began working in Gayton, as a Miller, but it is likely to have been sometime after Walter Hall took over running the Mill from Robert Matthews, which was in 1853.

Millers at Gayton Mill (1836 – 1937)

It was whilst working at Gayton Mill that Andrew Ainslie Common learned the meaning of hard work, dedication and perseverance that were to become part of his character, and which he exhibited throughout the rest of his life. He was well known for both his great physical and mental strength, as well a great ability to enjoy life to the full.

A number of examples of this were recounted in his obituary which appeared in the ‘Observatory’ journal for 1903 written by Mr. Herbert Hall Turner.

‘He was a strong man in all senses, and liked trying himself to the limit. He turned at the meeting the British Association in Bradford with his arm in a sling, because he had been trying whether could hold a bicycle out at arms length and had consequently ruptured a muscle.’

It was whilst he was working for his uncle that Andrew Common met Ann Matthews, the daughter of Abraham Matthews, a farmer and his wife Martha (nee Mason). They married on 18th July 1867 at St. Nicholas Church, Kings Lynn.

It is known that by the time of their marriage Andrew had left Gayton a few years earlier to work for his other Uncle, Matthew Hall in his building material business in Marylebone, Middlesex.
His uncle Walter Hall continued to work the Gayton Mill until 1872, but died shortly afterwards in 1875.

Matthew Hall & Company

Matthew Hall was a born entrepreneur. He had started his first business in Newcastle in the 1830s, where he earned a living as a builder, a cabinet maker and Joiner. Sometime before 1848 he moved to London, where he set up his plumbing business in that year. The London Post Office Directory for 1848 shows him listed as a Plumber at No. 11 Bulstrode Mews, Marylebone Lane, Middlesex, London.

Andrew Common began working for him around 1865, and by the time of the 1871 we find him with his wife Ann and their one year old daughter Violet Mary, living at No. 17 South Bank, near Regents Park in London. On the Census Return he listed his occupation as an Engineer.

In the coming years Matthew Hall grew to rely on his nephew more and more as his business expanded to become a well respected and highly profitable enterprise. On the death of Matthew Hall in 1878, the running of the business was left to Andrew Ainslie Common. As a result he had the money and the freedom to take up his passion for Astronomy once again.

In 1874 he acquired his very first telescope, a 5 ½”, Equatorially Mounted Refractor. It was with this instrument that he made his first attempts at photographing the heavens.

 Uncle of Andrew Common, Founder in 1848 Matthew Hall Engineering

 

South Bank, Regents Park, St. Johns Wood, 1868

Two years later on the 9th June 1876 he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society. His passion for Astronomy had not diminished and he was beginning to be recognised as someone who would make important contributions in the field. The other Fellows of the Royal Astronomical Society warmed to him not only for his ability but also for his larger than life personality. It was in their company that he felt most comfortable and where he gained a number of lifelong friendships. This is evident by the warmth and affection leading astronomers like the Sir Frank Dyson, Henry Hall Turner and others had for him. 

Ealing

In about 1876, Andrew Common moved from his house near Regents Park, to No. 63 Eaton Rise, Ealing, where he remained for the rest of his life. His occupation at this time was given as Electrical Engineer and Lead Manufacturer. The later censuses of 1891 and 1901 show the transition between Andrew Common’s association with Matthew Hall & Co., and his passion for Astronomy. The 1891 Census gives his occupation as Building Contractor and Astronomer; whilst 10 years later his sole occupation has become that of a Telescope Maker and Employer of Workers.

Eaton Rise, Ealing, c1910

Sometime around 1890 Andrew Common had given up working for Matthew Hall to concentrate all his efforts towards the construction of telescopes. It is likely that Andrew Common’s son Thomas took over the control of his great uncle’s company. Both the 1901 and 1911 Censuses states that his occupation was that of a Sanitary Engineer with the status of Employer. Thomas Andrew Common died in 1912, the year after the death of his mother Ann Common (nee Hall).

Telescopes

In 1877 Andrew Common decided to upgrade his equipment - a characteristic exhibited by almost every amateur astronomer. He purchased two 17 inch Glass Discs with the intention of grinding his own mirror and using them in a Reflecting Telescope of his own design. This idea was soon abandoned; instead he purchased an 18 inch Reflector from Mr. George Calver and attached it to a mount designed and constructed by him.

He put his new instrument to good use and by the following year, he had communicated to the Royal Astronomical Society the results of his observations of the outer satellite of Mars (Deimos) and the satellites of Saturn; in a paper published in the Monthly Notices for January 1878. However it soon became apparent that Andrew Common wanted to use his new telescope for astrophotography.

In the April 1879 edition of the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, he published two papers related to Astrophotography. 

The first entitled ‘On the desirability of photographing Mars and Saturn at the next conjunction’. In this paper which he presented to the society the following extract is of some importance:

‘In the December 1878 Number of the Notices of this Society the particulars of the conjunction of Saturn and Mars on June 30, 1879, are given by the Astronomer Royal.

I trust that those astronomers who can will take advantage of this excellent opportunity of testing the relative actinic intensity of light of the two planets.

As they can then be taken under the same conditions, and if differently prepared plates are used—that is the ordinary wet plate and iodised collodion, and those dry plates that are more sensitive to the red rays—the different effects of the colours of the planets might be made apparent.

Perfection of image would not be of so much importance as the effect in producing chemical action on the plate.

To show the possibility of doing this, I beg to lay before the Society two photographic plates, one with a row of pictures of Jupiter (showing the effect of a slight difference in the exposure on the image both as to size and density), and the other a picture of Saturn, all taken with an exposure of about 2 ½ seconds in the case of Saturn, and still less in the case of Jupiter, by an eighteen-inch silver-on-glass Newtonian telescope.

March 1879.’

It therefore seems that by before March 1879 Andrew Common had used his 18 inch Reflector to obtain photographs of Jupiter and Saturn using Dry Gelatin Plates, and not the Wet Collodion plates (developed by Frederick Scott Archer). The photographs he obtained were too small to show any detail on the planet’s surface.

His second paper of April 1879 dealt with a subject for which Andrew Common true claim to fame as a ‘Great Astrophotographer’ lies – ‘Note on Large Telescopes with suggestions for mounting Reflectors’.

In this paper he considers the mounting of Reflectors and how best such a mounting should be constructed.

‘Having, then, by this process of selection got the silver-on-glass reflector on the Newtonian principle, it becomes necessary to consider the mounting; and here we come to what may be regarded as the vital point; for on the proper mounting of the reflector, so as to point it to any object in the heavens, and follow that object in its diurnal motion, while retaining all the conditions that are favourable to the best performance of the optical part, a great deal depends. As far as I know, no endeavour has been made to really find out these favourable conditions and make the mounting suit them, except in a partial manner.

I have endeavoured to find them out, and propose to indicate how they ought to be attained. They are as follows:—

  1. No tube properly so called;
  2. No mass of metal either below or at the side of the line joining the large and small mirrors;
  3. An equatorial mounting capable of direction to any part of the visible heavens, and of continued observation past the meridian without reversal;
  4. An efficient means of supporting the mirror without flexure;
  5. Driving clock. Circles to find or identify an object and conditions taken to eye end;
  6. A collimator for the ready adjustment of the mirrors;
  7. Such, a construction of mounting as to give the greatest mount of steadiness with the least amount of Motion;
  8. An effectual means of re-silvering the mirrors and of protecting them from dew;
  9. A safe, steady, and easily adjusted platform for observer, allowing about two hours' continuous observation without the necessity of any motion, except that from the observer’s place, and of ready access;
  10. A suitable locality for the erection of the telescope.’

The suggestions made by Andrew Common in this paper are of fundamental importance and are instrumental to achieving success in Astrophotography. He was the first person to stress the need for a steady mount fitted with an accurate motor drive; and the need for well balanced and collimated optics free from flexure. Without these criteria being met the chances of obtaining well focussed photographs of any astronomical object are at best minimal.

Andrew Common heeded his own advice and by July of 1879 he had obtained a new 37 inch mirror from George Calver, which he then mounted according to the principles he had outlined in his paper. The mounting he designed was a radical departure from the norm. It showed great engineering skill, and paid particular attention for the need to reduce friction between the moving parts. For example his design required the polar axis to be partly floated in mercury in order to reduce friction between adjacent surfaces. He also planned (but did not implement) for the use of an electric clock to accurately follow the movement of the stars caused by the diurnal motion of the Earth.

With the 3-foot reflector Common made visual observations of the satellites of Mars and Saturn, and the nebulosity embedded in brightest stars of the Pleiades.

In the ‘Observatory’ Journal of 1880, Andrew Common published further photographs of Jupiter now taken with his new 3 foot reflector on the 9th September 1879. The Editor noted the following:

‘We are Indebted to Mr. Common for the enlarged prints from photographs of Jupiter (Plate III.), taken with his magnificent 3-feet silver-on-glass reflector. Small though these photographs are, they give us much valuable information; and they have this great merit, as compared with the drawings of most observers, that they can be relied upon as accurate. It is little to the credit of those who attempt to make astronomical drawings, that a photograph less than 1/20th of an inch in diameter should be sufficient to expose the inaccuracies of drawings on 300 or 400 times the scale. In this connexion we would invite our readers to compare Capt. Noble's representation of Jupiter in the ' Monthly Notices' for January with Mr. Common's photograph of Jupiter and the Red Spot. The photograph of Jupiter and his four satellites is important, as showing the relative brightness of the satellites’ EDITOR.

36 inch Reflector at Ealing

He also obtained a photograph of a Comet on the 24th of June 1881, on the same night that it was photographed by Henry Draper in America. It was one of the earliest successful photographs of a comet.

Andrew Common's energies with his new telescope were however mainly devoted to the imaging of the ‘Great Orion Nebula’ (M42). His first attempt was on the 20th of January 1880, and was a total failure, but he patiently improved the driving of his clock and took advantage of each increase of sensitiveness in photographic plates till on the 17th of March 1882 he obtained a photograph "which excited the admiration of all the astronomers who had an opportunity of inspecting it’.

He still further perfected the guiding of his telescope, and obtained on the 30th of January 1883, with an exposure of 37 minutes, the splendid photograph with which all astronomers are familiar. Of the merits of this photograph he modestly remarked:

"Although some of the finer details are lost in the enlargement sufficient remains to show that we are approaching a time when photography will give us the means of recording, in its own inimitable way, the shape of a nebula and the relative brightness of the different parts in a better manner than the most careful hand-drawings."

He later on the 28th February 1883 obtained a photograph of M42 with a longer exposure of 60 minutes.

In 1884 Andrew Common was awarded the Gold Medal of the Royal Astronomical Society for his work on Astrophotography and in particular his photographs of the ‘Great Orion Nebula’.

‘Great Orion Nebula’ M42 Photographed by Andrew Common 1883

Shortly after he received the Gold Medal he sold his 3 foot reflector to Mr. Edward Crossley, a Halifax businessman and passionate amateur astronomer.

In the annual report of his Observatory at Ealing for the year 1884, Andrew Common remarks:

“During the past year a small number of celestial photographs have been taken, including two of the Dumb-bell nebula, and a number of experiments have been made in stellar photography.

The 3-foot Reflector has passed into the hands of Mr. Crossley, of Halifax, at whose Observatory it is now erected. It is intended to replace this instrument with one of 5-foot aperture, made expressly for photography, with a mounting having for the polar axis a hollow iron cylinder floating in water, so as to reduce the friction and vibration of a merely mechanical mounting.

The disk of glass for the large mirror was obtained in 1883, and seems to be all that can be wished for.”

36 inch ‘Crossley’ Reflector, Lick Observatory, Mount Hamilton, California

It is apparent that shortly after he had successfully imaged the ‘Great Orion Nebula’ in the March of 1882, he had been thinking about building an even larger reflecting telescope, and by the following year the plans for its construction were in place and the glass blank for his ‘monster’ 60 inch reflector had been purchased.

Schematic Drawing of the 5 foot Reflector

The construction of the 60 inch Reflector was to be the great work of his life into which he would put months and years of patient effort, hard work and great skill into its completion. The annual reports of Royal Astronomical Society on the work carried out by the observatories of its members provide valuable insight into the progress made by Andrew Common on the construction his 60 inch Reflector.

Andrew Common wrote in his report on the Ealing Observatory for 1885:

“Experiments in stellar and astronomical photography with various kinds of telescopes have been made. The De La Rue polishing machine has been removed from the University Observatory, Oxford, and erected in the workshop, and a temporary mounting and house is in the course of erection for further experiments.

A comet was found on the night of Friday, the 4th of September, and change of position noticed that evening. This proved to be a comet already found a few days before by Brooks in America. A series of observations were made on the Nova in Andromeda immediately after the announcement from Dun Echt.”

So during 1885 there was no apparent progress made on the construction of the 5 foot reflector apart from setting up the mirror polishing machine.

The report for the year 1886 is more positive and indicates that considerable progress had been made:

“The last year has been entirely devoted to the construction of the 5-foot reflector. The machine for grinding was completed in September, and great progress has been made with the mirror. Photography has been used to obtain permanent records of the state of the surface by using the reflected light from a pinhole (illuminated by a lamp), as in the system of testing used by Foucault. It is found that so small a quantity of light as can come through a hole .004 inch placed at the centre of curvature can be photographed in a few seconds after reflection from the surface.

A series of photographs have been taken from the first rough polish to the present state, and will be continued.

The kind of mounting has been determined upon, and the heavy work put in hand. It is hoped that the whole may now be completed without further delay.

The telescope is to be devoted to photography, and the mounting has been designed to give the greatest amount of steadiness and perfection of movement.”

The following year’s report for 1887 indicates that the construction of the telescope is nearing completion:

“Considerable progress has been made in the construction of the 5-ft. reflector. The mirror has been polished and figured several times in order to gain experience in the art. There is evidence of internal strain in the glass, which may or may not affect the image, and it is contemplated to order another disc in case this one does not permit of a good final figure.

The mounting is in a forward state, the telescope tube being connected to the polar axis, this latter being a wrought-iron
cylinder about eight feet diameter which will float in a tank of water, so as to relieve the friction in the manner mentioned in vol. xliv. of the Monthly Notices, p. 367.

The house or covering for the telescope, which will also carry the platform for the observer when the telescope is used as a Newtonian, is framed together and partly erected. It is hoped that the whole will be ready to use in the autumn.”

The telescope was finally completed in the September of 1887, as stated in the report for 1888:

“The 5-foot reflector was practically completed last September, and is now ready for work. On the few occasions that the weather has permitted, some  trial photographs have been obtained that show a very satisfactory advance on those taken in 1883 with the 3-foot. It is intended to devote this telescope to the direct photography of the more important nebulae and to spectroscopic work on such objects as can be best observed with such an aperture.

The 6-inch achromatic is in good order. The transit instrument has been dismounted, and the room in which it stood used for a battery-room for two batteries of E.P.S. cells, available for lighting or power in the Observatory.

In the making of the 5-foot mirror much work was done of an experimental character in order to acquire the art of working glass. Many kinds of grinding and polishing substances, both for tools and for grinding or polishing the surfaces were tried, as well as different lubricants and methods of testing. From the experience thus gained a definite plan of working and testing curved surfaces has been arrived at that is very certain, a mirror of 30 inches diameter having been since figured in a comparatively short time.

In addition to the machine made for the 5-foot’s mirror, on which mirrors of smaller size can be figured, another machine has been erected for grinding and polishing mirrors under 30 inches, both curved and plane, with means for figuring mirrors of very short focus. It is intended to prepare some mirrors of about 20 inches diameter, with a view of finding the shortest focus that will work; as such mirrors might be of great use on nebulae, comets, and the corona during eclipse.”

However by the time of the next report for 1889, progress had been halted and if anything had gone backwards, as Andrew Common explains:

“The 5-foot mirror not being found on trial to be quite satisfactory, owing to the slight ellipticity of the image of a star, probably duo to the fact that the disc of glass had been resting in a sloping position for some years, was taken out in the spring and refigured and re-silvered; the image now given is very much better; owing to the very bad weather very little work has however been done with it yet.

The 20-inch mirrors mentioned in the last, report have been made, and two of them sent out to the Eclipse of December 22. As far as trials made before they were sent enable one to judge, such short-focus mirrors are likely to be very efficient. One is now being erected for regular use in the house lately covering the 6-inch achromatic which has been dismounted.

A new disc for the 5-foot telescope has been ordered and is expected shortly, as well as several discs of large size for plane mirrors. In view of the much better results that may be hoped for from the use of such piano mirrors as siderostats, particularly in eclipse and spectroscopic work in future, the making of plane mirrors of very large size is next to be taken up.”

After over four years of labour the 60 inch telescope was still not completed and a new mirror had to be ground.

Finally during 1890 Andrew Common was able to use it for its intended purpose, although the new mirror had not been ground and the inclement English weather was as is usual a key factor in dampening any adventure requiring its cooperation:

“The weather during the past year has been very unfavourable for observation at Ealing. Advantage has been taken of every available night, but the 5-foot telescope has only been in use 48 nights since March 1890, and only 24 of these were suitable for nebula photography. In all 31 photographs of nebulae and clusters have been obtained.

The principal nebula photographs are Orion 6 (one with 2 hours 35 minutes exposure, and one with 2 hours' exposure on plates stained with erythrosin; the first mentioned is much the best hitherto obtained); the Dumb-bell nebula 5 (the best with 110  minutes exposure on July 24, showing a large amount of detail) ; M 77, 3 (one with 150 minutes exposure, showing the spiral structure very clearly); M 99, 2 (with exposures of 2 hours and 2 ¼ hours, with spiral structure clearly shown) ; M 96, 1 hour; M 88, 1 hour; M 59 and 60, 2 hours 5 minutes; Gen. Cat. 4045,2 hours; Gen. Cat. 2203, 2207, 2211, 1 hour; and the Pleiades, 1 hour; showing nebulae. Amongst the clusters photographed may be mentioned those of M 2 (four photographs) and of M 5 (four photographs), the latter showing some new variable stars near the cluster; see Monthly Notices, vol. 1., page 519, June 1890. Photographs of the Moon have been obtained on nine nights during the year, and Uranus and its satellites have been photographed on two occasions.

Observations have been made of the satellites and general appearances of Saturn, Uranus, and Neptune whenever possible, the observations of Mimas being communicated to the Society in May 1890, and published in the Monthly Notices, vol. 1. Page 404.

A double wire micrometer, with position-circle and electric light illumination, has been made for the 5-foot telescope, and also a star spectroscope (which was supplied at the end of 1890) fitted with special apparatus for watching the slit during the long exposures necessary for photographing the spectra of nebulae.

Up to the present time, owing to bad weather, only preliminary work on the Orion nebula has been possible with the spectroscope. The spectrum of this nebula has been observed on three occasions (the only three possible since November), but no new lines have been detected.

As mentioned in the last report, the figure of the 5-foot mirror is not perfectly satisfactory owing to a slight ellipticity of the star images seen under high magnification, this ellipticity being probably due to the fact that the disc of glass rested in a sloping position for some years. The new 5-foot disc has been obtained from France, and the grinding of this will be proceeded with at once. Both the grinding machines have been kept in constant work.

A 36-inch mirror of 11 feet 3 inches focal length has been made for the Science and Art Department, South Kensington, and two 30-inch mirrors of the same focal length have also been finished, one of these being made with a spherical instead of a parabolic curve to be used in the testing of flat mirror surfaces. Another 30-inch parabolic mirror is now in hand and nearly finished. Two 20-inch mirrors of 45 inches focal length have also been finished during the year, and have been thoroughly tested in the 20-inch telescope erected in place of the 6-inch refractor.

A series of photographs of the Pleiades, the Dumb-bell nebula, of various clusters, and several photographs of the Andromeda nebula were taken with this telescope during the testing of the 20-inch mirrors, but the photographs have not yet been compared and measured. An instrument for rapidly comparing and measuring photographs, as described in the "Observatory," in August 1890, is almost completed, and will be used for a full examination of these photographs as well as for those taken with the 5-foot reflector.

A long series of experiments on the photographic determination of the reflecting power of silver, speculum metal, and silvered-glass surfaces (prepared by different silvering processes), and on the reflecting and transmitting power of plain glass have been carried on, but are not yet completed. The results will be communicated to the Society as soon as the experiments are concluded. A number of trials have also been made of various silvering processes, and a new process has been adopted by means of which a perfect film of any required thickness can be formed with absolute certainty, and mirrors of any size can be silvered with ease and rapidity.

The scarcity of good nights, partly due to the nearness to London, limits the use of the large telescope very much, and it is in contemplation to remove it to some more suitable position.”

The above account given by Andrew Common clearly shows that his new telescope was beginning to become useful, and had been used to take photographs of a number of the more well known Deep Space Objects; exactly the sort of targets the modern imager would choose – the ‘Dumbbell’ Planetary Nebula M27 in Lyra; the Seyfert Galaxy M77 in Cetus; the ‘Pleiades’ Cluster M45 with its embedded nebulosity; and the Globular Clusters M2 in Aquarius and M5 in Serpens Caput. He was however becoming concerned about the suitability of the telescopes location near to the London metropolis – he had taken note of the advice given in item No. 10 of his paper of April 1879.

The year 1890 was the best the telescope was to ‘see’ during Andrew Common’s lifetime, for the report given to the Royal Society in 1891 was in stark contrast to the one given the previous year:

“During the past year a new 5-foot mirror has been made for the telescope. This piece of glass has proved to be almost if not quite—perfect, and the mirror is a most excellent one.

Some very fine photographs of nebulae and the Moon have been taken, that will be laid before the Society.

A new grating spectroscope has been fitted to the 5-foot. Work on plane mirrors has been carried on in the workshop.”

That was all he said and the telescope was never used again, Why? There a number of factors why this proved to be the case.

Firstly, it is known that Andrew Common narrowly escaped a fall from a high platform when he was using the telescope as a Newtonian Reflector. This must have shocked him as such a fall could easily have proved fatal. He made some attempts to convert the telescope to a Cassegrain system, but the prospect of drilling a hole through the centre of the mirror he had spent so much time on – seemed not to be a good idea. An attempt was made to avoid this catastrophe in the waiting by devising a system where the secondary mirror was inclined so that the image was clear of the primary mirror. Despite some initial success the method proved unsatisfactory and Andrew Common abandoned the idea altogether and the telescope he had lived with for so long.

Secondly, the reports he prepared during the years the 60 inch reflector was undergoing construction, showed that it was not the only project with which Andrew Common was involved in. He was making mirrors for other people and for other projects. Not only that, but he gave generously of his time, expertise and money. If someone wanted a mirror made, Andrew Common obliged. For example he made two 20 inch mirrors for the Solar Eclipse of 1889, which he presented to the Royal Society; two 16 inch mirrors for the eclipse expedition of 1896 followed; as did a 30 inch mirror for the Solar Physics Observatory and in 1900 a 20 inch mirror for the National Physical Laboratory. The additional effort required to complete these ‘extra projects’ must have had a delaying affect on completion of his 60 inch telescope.

Thirdly, the concerns Andrew Common had for the sighting of his 5 foot reflector amid the ever increasing glow of nearby London must have weighed heavily on his mind, as must the poor weather England always faced!

After his death the telescope was sold to Harvard College Observatory and later sent to Bloemfontein in South Africa.

Andrew Common’s 60 inch Reflector, at Harvard College Observatory, c1910

However, the final reason for abandoning the 5 foot reflector was that Andrew Common found something to do which he considered more important.

Andrew Common became interested in developing telescopic gun sights for use by the Army and the Royal Navy. His knowledge of optics together with his great practical skills made him the ideal person to successfully see such a project to fruition. It is not known how he became involved in such a project, but it was in his nature to do something for the common good and not just for himself.

As regards its national importance the following words of Captain Percy Scott, R.N., spoken at a dinner at the Savage Club on 22nd of November 1902, will suffice:

"The nation owed a deep debt of gratitude to Dr. Common for the great improvements that he had made in gun-sights. It mattered not how good the gun was, nor how good a man there was behind it; unless the sight was perfect good firing could not be made. The great stride by the British Navy lately in that direction was entirely due to Dr. Common. ... He had produced a telescope gun-sight which would, when properly used, quadruple the fighting efficiency of our battleships”.

60 inch Reflector, Boyden Observatory, Bloemfontein, South Africa

Andrew Ainslie Common died suddenly of a heart attack in his study at No. 63 Eaton Rise, Ealing on the 2nd June 1903; he was nearly 62 years old. He was survived by his widow Ann (1840 – 1911) and their four children – Thomas Andrew Common (1875 – 1912), Violet Mary Common (1869 – 1952), Lillian Martha Common and Ida Common (1880 – 1951).

He will be remembered not only for his magnificent images of the ‘Great Orion Nebula’, but more importantly for the guidelines he laid down for achieving successful astronomical images and of course the two great reflectors he had spent so many years of hard effort in their construction.

It is fitting and entirely appropriate that these two telescopes are not only still in use but are in Andrew Common’s own words situated in ‘a suitable locality for the erection of the telescope’ amid clear dark skies - now far away from the cloudy nights in Ealing where they first saw the occasional light of the stars - which so lit up the life of their creator.

 

Notes on Andrew Common's Two Great ReflectingTelescopes

36 inch Reflector

In 1884 Common sold his 36-inch reflecting telescope to Edward Crossley of Halifax, Yorkshire, England. The weather in Halifax proved totally unsuitable for a telescope of this size and little use was made of it. As a result Edward Crossley donated the telescope to the Lick Observatory shortly after his retirement from astronomy in 1893. The Crossley 36-inch reflector at the Lick Observatory was the first of a long line of metal-film-on-glass modern reflecting telescopes that have dominated major astronomical advances for the past century. In addition, the Crossley has produced more scientific results than any other telescope of its size, including several historically important studies in stellar evolution, the structure and spectra of planetary nebulae, and the discovery and spectral analysis of faint variable stars in young clusters. The Crossley also contributed to studies that confirmed the expansion of the universe. Within a short time the Crossley reflector was put to good use when James E. Keeler initiated a program of nebular photography with it. Keeler's photographs showed the existence of hundreds of spiral nebulae that are now known as galaxies. Neither Keeler nor anyone else at the time realized that nebulae were predominantly extragalactic, but Keeler, using Crossley photographs, was the first to realize that these objects were a major constituent of the universe. After Keeler's death, astronomer Charles Dillon Perrine completed Keeler's observational program, and in 1908 published a remarkable selection of Crossley photographs in memory of Keeler. Keeler's and Perrine's success with the Crossley reflector was probably more influential than any other single factor in convincing professional astronomers of the practical effectiveness of large reflectors. By the early 1900s, as a result of Keeler's and Perrine's work with the Crossley, it was apparent that the future of large telescopes lay with mirrors rather than lenses. A few years later, when George Ellery Hale began to plan for the establishment of a large observatory on Mount Wilson in California, the use of a large refracting telescope was not even considered. The Crossley had shown the way to the future of astronomy. Large reflecting telescopes would now dominate 20th-century astronomy. The Crossley 36-inch reflector is found a few hundred yards southwest of the Main Observatory Building of the Lick Observatory and is still in use as an operational scientific instrument for the study of the stars and galaxies. The Crossley 36-inch reflecting telescope, at the Lick Observatory, marked the first modern application of a reflecting telescope to astronomical studies.

60 inch Reflector

Shortly after his death Andrew Common’s 60 inch Reflector was purchased in 1904 for the Harvard University Observatory, by its Director Edward Charles Pickering. He intended to continue using it for the Harvard photometry survey down to as faint stars as possible with the instrument. It was found that the definition was far from satisfactory, and in fact very little use was indeed made of it as around that time there occurred the rapid development of photographic stellar photometry, making visual techniques less attractive. However, Harlow Shapley who became Director at the Harvard College Observatory in 1921 required access to a large telescope to further his researches on the limits of the visible universe. The telescope was refurbished and sent to the Harvard’s Boyden Station in Bloemfontein, South Africa. It became fully operational in 1933. The funds for the renovation had been obtained from the Rockefeller family, and the telescope was renamed the ‘Rockefeller Telescope’. The ‘Rockefeller Telescope’ had an inauspicious start to life, but following its move to the Boyden Observatory it began to become useful, befitting a telescope with a 60” mirror. It is still in use today and actively participates in collaborative research projects with other astronomical institutions.

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Historical | Catchers of the Light

'The First Astrophotographer'

by ArtdeCiel 10. June 2010 12:33

'The First Astrophotographer

John William Draper (1811 - 1882)

“John William Draper is generally recognized as the father of photographic portraiture as well as being the first Astrophotographer."

Ambition

John William Draper knew from a very early age that he wanted to become a scientist; yet he became much more than he could ever have imagined. Not only did he realize his ambition of a career in Science, but he also became one of the great pioneers of the new Art of Photography and the very First Astrophotographer’.

 In early 1840 John William Draper obtained a clear Daguerreotype image of the Moon. It was the first time anybody had ever successfully obtained a photograph of any Astronomical object. It was the beginning of Astrophotography and the first evidence that photography could be of great value as a serious tool for scientific study.

To understand how John William Draper, the son of an itinerant English preacher grew up to become an American citizen and one of the ‘Photographic Greats’; we must start as always at the beginning - not in New York State where he spent most of his life but in the town of St. Helens, in the early years of the 19th Century when England’s King was mad, its Regent was little better and a new world across the Atlantic Ocean was beckoning to many.

St. Helens

John William Draper was born on the 5th May 1811 in the then small Lancashire town of St. Helens, ten miles from the port of Liverpool. He was born into a family of Methodists. His father John Christopher Draper was an itinerant Preacher who moved from chapel to chapel in the hope of eking out a living. At the time of John’s birth the family was living in St. Helens, where his father was a preacher at the Methodist Chapel on Tontine Street. He was baptized the following month at the Tontine Street Chapel by his father’s friend, the well known Methodist Preacher Jabez Bunting who conducted the service held there on the 29th of June.

The early education of John Draper was in the main done at his home by private tutors, a result of the family’s meagre income, but at the age of eleven he was sent to a public school at Woodhouse Grove in neighbouring Yorkshire, run by the Wesleyan Methodist Church. At Woodhouse School John Draper was a model pupil; hard working, attentive and inquisitive in all his studies whether it was Mathematics or Classics. In recognition of his efforts he was chosen in 1824 to deliver the customary address from the school to the Wesleyan conference, which met that year at Leeds.

Woodhouse School, Apperley Bridge, Bradford, Yorkshire

This was his first effort at public speaking and he was good at it – something he never forgot and which he was called upon many times to do in his later life. Not long after this event, however, he left the Woodhouse Grove school and returned home, continuing his studies there, as before, under private tutors. It is known that John Draper was interested in Astronomy from an early and was the proud owner of a Gregorian Reflector which he often used to make observations and to find his way around the night sky. He was also passionate about science in general and loved to experiment with chemicals at home whenever he could.

It was therefore not surprising that in 1829, Draper then aged 18 enrolled as a student of Chemistry at the newly founded University College, University of London, under the influential and much respected chemist Dr. Edward Turner. For the next three years he spent in the fruitful study, investigation and analysis of all branches of the subject - inorganic, organic or physical all under Turner’s expert guidance.

Whilst studying for his degree, John Draper took lodgings with a friend of his father, a Mrs Mary Barker in Minster Sheppey in Kent. It was here in 1830 that a met her niece and ward – Miss Antonia Coetana Pereira Gardner; whose father was private physician to Emperor Don Pedro Primeiro of Brazil. The following year they were married on the 13th September 1831 at the Parish church of St. Mary & St. Sexburga (having obtained a marriage license the day before).

During the course of his studies his father died and for whatever reason was unable to finish his course and did not graduate. This was a life changing event for the family who decided following the death of the Reverend John Christopher Draper. It was decided that they would seek a new life in the former British Colony of America.

Before the War of Independence certain of Draper's ancestors on his mother's (Ripley) side had come to America and had settled in Virginia, founding a small Wesleyan colony. Subsequently others of members of the family had crossed the ocean and joined the colony. Urged by these relatives and accompanied by his mother and his three sisters Dorothy, Sarah and Elizabeth; John Draper and his new wife Antonia, all sailed for America in 1832.

Drapersville

By the time of John William Draper’s emigration to his new home in Christianville, Mecklenburg County, Virginia the path of his life had already been paved. He had married the love of his life; he was an excellent public orator; a passionate thinker; a more than capable writer; and a man possessed with considerable knowledge in all things scientific, and especially matters relating to Astronomy and Chemistry.

Why did the whole Draper family feel the need to leave England and take the great leap into the unknown life which awaited them? It may have been the death of John’s father that persuaded them, this would have certainly left them financially worse off, but if this was so why did they leave it until 1832 if John Christopher Draper had died as early as 1829; did John try to complete his studies and the family through lack of money were eventually forced to go?

This is the most likely explanation given the fact that John had been virtually promised a job teaching through the family’s Methodist connections in one of local denominational colleges in Virginia, but he failed to arrive in time and the position had been given to someone else.

So in 1832 the Draper family arrived with no obvious means of support save the help offered to them by their distant relations and the close knit Wesleyan community of Christianville. They need not have worried – John’s mother and his sisters found work teaching in a local school. His sister Dorothy who became the pillar and grand matriarch of the family earned the extra income needed to support John’s studies by painting and drawing.

From the outset John devoted all his energies towards scientific research. Although before leaving England he had published, jointly with a Fellow of the Geological Society, three papers on scientific subjects, his first independent contribution to science was from his makeshift Christianville laboratory. It appeared in the American Journal of Science and Arts for July, 1834, in the form of a letter to the editors, the memoir also appearing in the September issue of the Franklin Institute Journal for the same year under the title:

"Some experimental researches undertaken to determine the nature of capillary action."

Having decided to take the degree of Doctor of Medicine, Draper spent the winters of 1835 and 1886 in Philadelphia attending the medical lectures given at the University of Pennsylvania. He graduated with his M.D from the University in the March of 1836. His time at Philadelphia had been well spent, the quality of his work and in particular his graduation thesis commended him to many in the scientific community of Virginia and elsewhere.

It was no surprise that he was he was appointed that year as Professor of Chemistry and Natural Philosophy at Hampton Sidney College, Prince Edward County, Virginia. In the following year he gained even greater recognition accepting the Professorship of Chemistry at the University of New York. This must have pleased Draper immensely because he was now able to make a career of what had been previously his hobby.

Portraits

In 1837 Draper began his first venture into uncharted world of Photography, a full two years before François Jean Dominique Arago’s announcement of the discovery of the daguerreotype process at the French Academy of Sciences. His experiments with paper coated with silver chloride were aimed at studying the actions of the salt’s vapours when exposed to light; and was similar to the work performed by Thomas Wedgwood and Sir Humphrey Davy some forty years earlier. Some of the results of Draper’s research were published in the Journal of the Franklin Institute in April and June 1837.

Upon hearing of the work Louis Daguerre's discovery, Draper immediately began experimenting with the so called Daguerreotype process towards the end of 1839. He later wrote the following account of his work:

“When the French government, in 1839, purchased of Daguerre his invention of photogenic drawing, its applications were very limited. The process was adapted to interiors, statuary, and architectural subjects, but wholly unsuited to landscape scenery or to portraits. The inventor himself had made attempts at applying it to the taking of likenesses, but had given it up in despair. After the publication of Daguerre's invention in America a series of experiments was conducted in our laboratory with a view of determining whether the difficulties could be removed.”

In March 31, 1840, Draper wrote a paper which he sent to the London and Edinburgh Philosophical Journal. The magazine published Draper's work in the September 1840 issue. In the article Draper explains his process for photographing portraiture with the daguerreotype process. This was the first report received in Europe regarding a successful example of a photographic portrait, although others have laid claim to being the ‘first’. Draper’s first portrait was that of his sister, Dorothy Catherine Draper, taken with a Daguerreotype camera using a 65 second exposure.

In his paper, Draper stated:

“In the first experiments I made, the face of the sitter was dusted with a white powder, but a few trials showed that this was unnecessary. On a bright day and with a sensitive plate portraits can be obtained in the course of five or seven minutes in the diffused daylight even when an ammonia-sulphate of copper cell is interposed. The hands should never rest upon the chest, for the motion of respiration disturbs them so much as to make them of a thick and clumsy appearance, destroying also the representation of the veins on the back, which, if they are held motionless, are copied with surprising beauty. A person dressed in a black coat and open waistcoat of the same colour must put on a temporary front of a drab or flesh colour, or by the time that his face and the fine shadows of his woollen clothing are evolved his shirt will be solarised and be blue or even black, with a white halo around it. Owing to the circumstance that yellow and yellowish browns require a long time to impress the substance of the daguerreotype persons whose faces are freckled all over give rise to the most ludicrous results — a white portrait mottled with just as many black dots as the sitter has yellow ones”

In his early work he had used a Daguerreotype camera made from a discarded Cigar Box in which he inserted a double convex lens of four inches in diameter and a focal length of fourteen inches. With this arrangement he found that he was able to perfect portrait miniatures in the open air with exposures of between twenty and ninety seconds. On a bright day much larger portraits could be obtained with exposures of from five to seven minutes. He then began experimenting with different lenses of varying size and focal lengths; and discovered for the first time what is known today as a ‘fast’ system; i.e. a lens arrangement which has a low ‘f’ or focal ratio (focal length of lens divided by diameter of the lens). With a low focal ratio Draper found he was able to obtain images with shorter exposure times of similar quality to those obtained with a higher ‘f’ ratio using longer exposure times - he could therefore take ‘faster’ images. By December 1840 he was using a lens with a focal ratio of 1.4. Modern ‘fast’ systems typically have a focal ratio of somewhere between f2 to f5.

John Draper’s photographic portrait shows his sister dressed immaculately in white, sitting down wearing a bonnet on her head, her face framed by flowers, looking directly into the camera operated by her brother. This idyllic scene is one of the most important events in the entire history of photography – it is one of the very earliest family photographs.  It is a reminder that images of family members span the history of photography—from Draper’s single daguerreotype to today’s easily duplicated digital snapshots. This portrait also signifies that each of our own family pictures is more than a photograph of a loved one; each one is also a historical document. Our photographs reflect history; they inform us, change our impressions of our relatives, and tell the story of our families.

Daguerreotype of his Sister Dorothy by John William Draper 1840

It will come as a great surprise to learn that the Draper’s first photographic portrait did not remain with the family. Indeed it left their possession with a space of a few weeks after it was taken. John Draper made a gift of the portrait to Sir John Herschel.

In a letter dated the 28th July 1840 he wrote the following:

“Though I have not the honour of your personal acquaintance (Sir John’s) I do not hesitate to send to you a heliographic portrait taken from the life by the daguerreotype — the process I have described in a communication to the London & Edin(burgh). Philosophical Magazine, which is probably published by this time. We have heard in America that owing to the inferior brilliancy of the sun’s rays all attempts of this kind had been unsuccessful both in London & Paris ...”

Why did Draper make such a gift and why did he choose Sir John Herschel?

Firstly Sir John Herschel was one of the most eminent scientists of the day, who like Draper had made contributions in many areas of science: astronomy, botany, meteorology, geography and more importantly photography. Secondly at the time of Draper’s experiments with portrait photography, Sir John Herschel had just made a major discovery which was to transform photography. He had found a way to ‘fix’ photographs using a solution of ‘hypo’ (sodium thiosulphate). Draper probably saw the gift as a way of promoting his own photographic work to a wider scientific community and at the same time to make the acquaintance of one of the great pioneers of photography.

However, the truth is that at this time American scientists were very insecure about their scientific achievements. After all, America was the ‘new kid’ on the block when it came to science. So when an American made a scientific discovery, the evidence would quickly be sent to a leading expert in Europe to get their opinion and to ensure that the American got the credit. Fragile images like this one, accompanied by letters, discussing what they documented or suggested, routinely went back and forth across the ocean, and became the focus of an international and ongoing conversation about optics, chemistry and photography.

The portrait of Dorothy Draper remained in the Herschel family from 1840 until 1939. It was for many years thought to have been the first photographic portrait, although this is now known to be incorrect. This claim is at present held by Robert Cornelius of Philadelphia who took a Daguerreotype image of himself in November 1839.  

However in 1934 the photograph was nearly lost forever – not because it had been mislaid but because Dorothy Draper’s image had vanished, caused by the effects of disastrous attempt to clean it. The then owner of the Daguerreotype was the Rev. Sir John Herschel who had sent it to Mr. John H. Gear for cleaning. At that time Gear was the Principal of a ‘School of Pictorial and Technical Photography’ which was close to Madame Tussaud’s in the Marylebone Road, London.

On the 30th April 1934, Gear wrote to the Sir John with some bad news:

I am worried very much over your daguerreotype. It has not gone right in cleaning off the oxidation. In all the twenty–five years, and more, that I have been cleaning them I have never had one behave in a similar manner. I am always taking every precaution, but in this instance I went through what I would term unnecessary precautions.

“The chemicals which I keep specially for the process were somewhat old, but working quite well. However, I got in new chemicals, but before applying them to your daguerreotype, I kept it back until I had another daguerreotype in to restore. One that came in and was in a very bad condition I used the new chemicals for, and it cleaned and restored perfectly. I was working 25% under the strength to which one can safely go with that one. I then made up the bath afresh and reduced it another 25% in strength for yours, and in addition used distilled water throughout — it is only usual to apply distilled water for the final wash.

The oxidation responded quite normally and cleared, but for some reason that I am unable to suggest, a kind of milky bloom appeared directly I removed it from the solution: not upon the portions of the image, but upon the bare silver portions which reflect the light to give the lighter parts. It completely mortifyed me as I have never had one act previously like it. Nothing more can be done, and greater caution could not possibly be exercised. It made me tremble as I felt so very upset, and my regret is unexpressable …”

The slant given by Gear on the degree to which the image had been damaged was to say the least optimistic. He had implied that the image had not been affected. This was not the case. There was nothing to see but a blank metal plate covered with black silver oxide – oops! One of the most important photographs ever taken had literally disappeared before the Reverend Herschel’s eyes and was now lost forever or was it?

In 1939 the portrait of Dorothy Draper now just a blackened piece of copper plate passed into the hands of the University Of Kansas Museum Of Art; until a solution of Thiourea administered in 1970 by the then curator, James L. Enyeart, miraculously revealed John Draper’s sister and her bonnet to the world once again.

Moonlight

During the winter of 1839-40, John William Draper took a series of daguerreotypes of the moon, focusing the moon’s rays on the plate using a three-inch lens and a six inch mirror. In his earliest attempts, the moon looks rather like an amoeba floating in the primordial ooze. This was partly due to the low light levels and the long exposure time needed for a daguerreotype.

Early Daguerreotype of the Moon by John William Draper 1839

However, he persisted; and on March 23, 1840, Draper was happy to report to a meeting of the New York Lyceum of Natural history, later to become the New York Academy of Sciences, that he had been successful in utilizing a small daguerreotype camera to photograph the Moon’s surface on a one inch diameter plates with a twenty minute exposure.

 “A portion of the figure was very distinct,” declared the minutes of the meeting, “but owing to the motion of the Moon, the greater part was confused. The time occupied was twenty minutes, and the size of the figure was about one inch in diameter. Daguerre had attempted the same thing but did not succeed. This is the first time that anything like a distinct representation of the moon’s surface has been obtained."

He later copied these images on to larger ones by the use of an enlarging camera. The photographs clearly showed areas of dark spots and the lunar surface although quite crude.

These daguerreotypes of the moon by Draper are generally considered to be the first successful photographs of any celestial object. Louis Daguerre had made an earlier but unsuccessful attempt to photograph the Moon, as explained by his friend and advocate Arago:

"Never had the rays of the Moon, not necessarily in its natural state but condensed in the mechanism of a great lens or a large reflecting mirror, produced any physical or perceptible effect. The plate prepared by M. Daguerre whitens on the contrary to such a point under the action of these very rays and the operations that follow so that we can hope that we will be able to make photographic
maps of our satellite."

Fortunately for Draper, the disk of the Moon appeared apparently - but without features. Draper later wrote of his own successful experiments:

"By the aid of a lens and heliostat I caused the moon beams to converge on a plate, the lens being three inches (76mm) in diameter. In half an hour a very strong impression was obtained. With another arrangement of lenses I obtained a stain nearly an inch (25mm) in diameter in which the dark spots might be indistinctly traced.”

This marked the beginning of Astrophotography. John William Draper had become the ‘First Astrophotographer’.

Successful Daguerreotype of the Moon by John William Draper 1840

To the uninitiated taking a photograph of the Moon may seem like an easy thing to do. Yes it is for any ‘would be’ Astrophotographer of today. Indeed it is almost always the first thing they attempt to image – the Moon is after all rather bright and big! However they have several big advantages over John William Draper – like access to a modern digital webcam, DSLR or Astronomical CCD camera; a GOTO computerised telescope complete with a motorized electronic drive; not forgetting the sophisticated image processing software to create the perfect Lunar Photograph.

Draper had none of these; all he had was a daguerreotype camera made from an old cigar box, a copper plate coated with a thin film of light sensitive silver iodide which was used to create the image; which was likely to disappear when exposed to the air!  If that wasn’t enough the image on the silvered plate had to be developed with Mercury vapour obtained from a heated pool of the deadly metal! If you took too many Daguerreotypes you were likely to die of Mercury poisoning!

So the next time you are out imaging the Moon and things are not going well and your camera is ‘playing up’ – take a moment to think how lucky you are – at least your night of frustration won’t be the death of you!

Professor

From 1837 John William Draper held the position of Professor of Chemistry at New York University, and in the years that followed until his death in 1882 he would forever be associated (as would his sons)with the city of New York and its University.

In 1847 the Draper family moved from Prince Edward County to a new home on 20 acres of land in what was then the Town of Greenburgh in Westchester County, New York State, but which later became known as Hastings-on-Hudson.

The 1850 Census shows the family living together on the Draper Estate – John William Draper, his wife Antonia, their six children (John Christopher age 15, Henry age 13, Virginia age 11, William age 9, Daniel age 7 and Antonia age 2), and his sisters Dorothy and Elizabeth; together with their three servants – immigrants from Ireland who had fled to America away from the potato famine which had devastated their country from 1845 onwards.

The time spent at Hastings-on-Hudson was professionally a great success for John William Draper. His career flourished and his name began to spread outside of academic circles. During the years which followed his experiments in Photography he carried out research in many areas of science, from work on the Electric Telegraph, to the study of Phosphorescence, to Solar Physics.

John Draper’s House, Hastings-on-Hudson, c1925

The only area which related to Astrophotography was his work on Spectroscopy – the study of the spectral lines of chemical elements. Although much of this work was carried out whilst he was living in Hastings-on-Hudson, the earlier work had been done when he was living elsewhere in New York State.

From 1840 onwards, Draper began conducting research on the spectrum of the Sun. He carried out his experiments in a room that was completely darkened, except for a narrow stream of sunlight that came through a small cut he had made in a window shade. The beam of light was directed through a prism and into Draper’s camera. What registered on his daguerreotype plates were images of light broken up into a continuous colour spectrum.

Draper is credited with having taken the earliest photographic representations of light, itself. What’s particularly interesting is that Draper’s daguerreotype plates were chemically sensitized in such a way that not only did they register visible light, but ultraviolet light; too, something the human eye can’t normally see.

Draper wrote to Sir John Herschel on the 26th September 1842, two years after he had sent him the portrait of his sister Dorothy:

“... I am induced to send you, because it will certainly interest you, a daguerreotype impression of the spectrum which I recently made in Lat. 37° 10´ N on the yellow iodide of silver (Daguerre’s preparation). I have tried in vain to procure one like it in New York, though there is no difficulty in getting them in Virginia ... [etc.].”

This daguerreotype was sent, as was the earlier portrait, through the offices of the Philosophical Magazine, and articles were published both by Draper and Herschel about the spectrum daguerreotype in that journal.

After this daguerreotype was made—and throughout the remainder of nineteenth century—light, and particularly the spectrum remained an object of scientific fascination. Physicists were obsessed with the mysteries of spectra, which they believed to hold the “master keys of science.” They wondered about the physical nature of light, if it was a wave or made of particles, whether it had weight or might exert pressure.

Draper’s image, a humble one, eventually led to later, more complex photographic images of the light spectrum, such as the large and incredibly detailed paper prints, made with diffraction gratings and spectroscopes, that were mass produced and sold for use in classrooms and laboratories around the world. The goal of all of these explorations of light was to better understand elements of the physical world. What Draper did, early on, was to use photography to ask a basic question: what can we know with what we already have? He began by making daguerreotype plates like this one, exposing them to the sun under different conditions, and using his scientific understanding of light to make sense out of the photographic images he created.

Misfortune

The early years of the Drapers’ life at Greenburgh passed off without great incident. It was not to last however.

 

In 1850 John Draper became President of the Medical School at New York University having been its secretary for a number of years previously. This was an extra burden to his non inconsiderable existing responsibilities. However as usual Draper took up the challenge and in the words of his biographer George Barker “and by his active measures and wise counsels, inaugurated a period of unexampled prosperity for it (the Medical School).”

 

From 1853 onwards John Draper, his family and the American nation were to suffer a period of great misfortune. It began with the death of John Draper’s son William on the 21st September of that year; he was just 7 years old. If this was not enough, he then lost almost the entire edition of his scientific memoirs and essays up to 1844, together with the illustrative plates, destroyed in a fire at the publishing house of Harper & Brothers.

 

In 1860, Professor John William Draper, his wife Antonia and their son Henry travelled to England for a meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science to be held at Oxford that June. It was just as well that John Draper did not know what his trip would bring when he applied for his passport on the 4th May 1860.

 

His trip was to be the catalyst for one of the most heated and contentious scientific discussions of all time -  the so called ‘Oxford Evolution Debate’ that took place at the Oxford University Museum on the 30th June 1860 - some seven months after the publication of Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species. Several prominent British scientists and philosophers participated, including Thomas Henry Huxley, Bishop Samuel Wilberforce, Benjamin Brodie, Joseph Dalton Hooker and Robert FitzRoy.

 

The debate is best remembered today for a heated exchange in which Wilberforce supposedly asked Huxley whether it was through his grandfather or his grandmother that he claimed his descent from a monkey. Huxley is said to have replied that he would not be ashamed to have a monkey for his ancestor, but he would be ashamed to be connected with a man who used his great gifts to obscure the truth.

 

One eyewitness suggests that Wilberforce's question to Huxley may have been "whether, in the vast shaky state of the law of development, as laid down by Darwin, anyone can be so enamoured of this so-called law, or hypothesis, as to go into jubilation for his great great grandfather having been an ape or a gorilla?", whereas another suggests he may said that "it was of little consequence to himself whether or not his grandfather might be called a monkey or not”.

 

The encounter is often known as the Huxley-Wilberforce debate or the Wilberforce-Huxley debate, although this description is somewhat misleading. Rather than being a "formal debate" between the two, it was actually an animated discussion that occurred after the presentation of a paper read by the unfortunate Professor John William Draper, on the intellectual development of Europe with relation to Darwin's theory (one of a number of scientific papers presented during the week as part of the British Association's annual meeting). However, although they were not the only participants in the discussion, they were reported to be the two dominant parties.

 

No verbatim account of the debate exists, and there is a great deal of uncertainty regarding what Huxley and Wilberforce actually said. Whatever was said the Draper family were no doubt very glad to disembark from their Steamer the SS Asia when it docked at New York on the 14th September 1860.

 

On their return the American Civil War broke out the following year on the 12th April 1861 and lasted until the 9th April 1865. The conflict greatly affected John William Draper; the experiences of his son Henry Draper who was a battlefield surgeon in the Union Army and of his many friends could not fail to move him, so much so that he produced what was for many years the definitive account of this bitter conflict.

 

In the preface to the history he wrote:

“Now when we appreciate how much the actions of men are controlled by the deeds of their predecessors, and are determined by climate and other natural circumstances, our animosities lose much of their asperity, and the return of kind feelings is hastened.

While the tempest of war is raging, such ideas can not secure attention ; but when peace succeeds, the voice of philosophy is heard calming our passions, suggesting new views of the things about which we contended, whispering excuses for our antagonist, and persuading us that there is nothing we shall ever regret in fraternal forgiveness for the injuries we have received.”

The history was published in the years between 1807 and 1870 in three volumes. He had been urged to write it “this work by the earnest request of persons who had been chief actors in the events described and who rendered him effective aid.”

Indeed Edwin McMasters Stanton, the then Secretary of War, went so far as issued orders to the adjutant  general of the army of the United States to " furnish him (Draper) copies of all orders, reports, correspondence, telegraphic dispatches, or other documents on file in the War Department as he might request, and to permit him to inspect and have copies of any maps, plans, and other papers necessary for the preparation of his work, and to furnish him with statistical information respecting the armies of the United States, their organization and operations."

This order included also all the Confederate archives in possession of the War department. Nor was the interest of the Secretary of War limited to this. He supplied a large amount of personal information of the utmost value. Access was not infrequently given the author to documents and correspondence of the most confidential kind, with a view of guiding him to correct conclusions; and many of the most decisive military operations are detailed from private memoranda furnished by the commanding officers themselves.

Further misfortune struck Draper when another fire in 1865, destroyed the College Buildings of New York University Medical Centre on 14th Street. Not only was his department burnt to the ground, but Draper also lost his extensive library, his lecture notes, and the note-books which contained the results of his experimental investigations; as was his entire collection of the chemical, physical, and physiological  apparatus, that he used to illustrate his lectures and more importantly which he used in his researches. All destroyed - a loss which Draper estimated to be some $15,000, but of inestimable value to him personally.

The ultimate misfortune was to strike John Draper, when on the 31st July 1870, his beloved wife Antonia died. For a number of years his wife had been very ill, an invalid imprisoned in her own home, unable to look after her children and her husband, so it must have been something of a relief to her family that her suffering was at end –admittedly little consolation for those loved ones left behind.

Hastings-on-Hudson

The days, months and years following Antonia Draper’s death were ones in which John Draper became ever more engrossed in his work. He had begun by publishing the final volume of his trilogy on the History of the American Civil War in 1870. This was followed in December 1874, by his epic work on the “History of the Conflict between Religion and Science”. He became even busier in 1876 when he was elected President of the American Chemical Society.

In his address delivered to the Society on the 16th November of that year entitled “Science in America”, he showed that he had forgotten nothing of his early years in St. Helens when he spoke of objects he had seen as a young boy through a telescope all those years ago; and of the new science of spectroscopy of which he himself has played his part:

“And now, while we have accomplished only a most imperfect examination of objects that we find on the earth, see how, on a sudden, through the vista that has been opened by the spectroscope, what a prospect lies beyond us in the heavens. I often look at the bright yellow ray emitted from the chromosphere of the sun, by that unknown element, Helium, as the Astronomer’s have ventured to call it. It seems trembling with excitement to tell its story, and how many unseen companions it has.

And if this be the case with the Sun, what shall we say of the magnificent hosts of the stars? May not every one of them have special elements of its own if not each a chemical laboratory in itself? Look at the clusters in the sword-handle of Perseus; in Cassiopeia, a universe of stars on a ground of star dust ; in Hercules, of which, as astronomers say, no one can look at for the first time through a great telescope without a shout of wonder — the most superb spectacle that the eye of man can witness!

Look at the double stars, of which so many are now known, emitting their contrasting rays, garnet, or ruby, or emerald, or sapphire? Each is in accordance with its own special physical conditions, though all are under the same universal ordinance”

Draper continued to work industriously right until his death. Although he had been ill for most of the second half of 1881, he only recently was confined to bed at his home in Hastings-on-Hudson when his death came on the morning of the 4th January 1882. He had been suffering from severe rheumatism and kidney disease. A glowing obituary of him appeared the following day in the New York Times. It was fitting that the last paragraph of which should mention portrait photography a field in which John Draper had been its founder – a fact acknowledged by the writer of the obituary:

“Dr. Draper was under medium the height, broad and strong. He was never a great talker, but was disposed to listen to others. His face was not expressive, and a photographer once said to him – ‘I like to have you to sit for a picture, Doctor, you are such a solid little man.’”

After John Draper’s death the house at Hastings-on-Hudson was left to his sister Dorothy, who continued to live there until her death on the 10th December 1901, she had reached the grand old age of 94 and had outlived her brother, her two sisters and all but two of her grandchildren. No better person deserved to be left the Draper Estate. She had earned money from several jobs to help pay for her brother’s education; she had been his assistant in many of his experiments; she had cared for his wife Antonia throughout her illness right up until her merciful death; and had been in charge of running the house for much of the time.

Exercise Book

The house eventually passed out of the Draper family’s hands following the death of Antonia Draper Dixon; the last surviving child of John and Antonia Draper on the 3rd September 1923. Subsequently, the house was left in her will to the American Scenic and Preservation Society to act as trustees providing it is kept as a “historical or high art museum, reading room or library”. The property suffered a chequered history until after many legal wrangles it fell under the trusteeship of the Village of Hastings in 1990.

I am now happy to report that the terms of Antonia Draper Dixon’s will have been entirely met and the house, its grounds along with Henry Draper’s Observatory are a working museum now run by the Hastings Historical society, who have let the property on a long term lease from the Village of Hastings.

John William Draper was one of the greatest thinkers of his day, yet he is today largely forgotten and unheard of by all but a few researchers and academics. As such he is recognized as the ‘father’ of portrait photography and the first person to obtain a successful image of an astronomical body – our Moon. During the course of his life he also made many other important contributions to the advancement of science in general; the electric telegraph, spectroscopy, the relationship between heat and light and the phenomenon of phosphorescence. He was also a philosopher who cared deeply about the relationship between Science, Religion and Society, a subject he wrote and spoke about at every available opportunity.

It is also curious to note that Draper was a ‘dabbler’, a term not used in a critical way, but meant to describe his attitude to science. Despite his many and varied contributions to all branches of science he was never truly a specialist – someone who chose a particular area of a specific discipline and concentrated all his efforts on it. He was not a William Huggins – a pioneer of astronomical spectroscopy or Pierre Jules Cesar Janssen – a Solar Physicist; or Isaac Roberts - an Astrophotographer. He treated Science like it was an experiment like the ones he conducted in his student days at the University of London- a project which had to be completed; when done he would then move onto the next one. This trait was one Draper was to show throughout his life.

He conducted pioneering work in the then new ‘art’ of Photography and took the one of earliest photographic portrait of a person in 1840; then he stopped and moved on. In the same year he took the first photograph of the Moon and then did no more. He did not carry on his work in Astrophotography in anyway whatsoever. Why didn’t he try to improve the quality of his images or produce more detailed smaller scale photographs of the craters and seas on the Moon’s surface as many would have done? He did not attempt to take a focussed image of a star, a planet or a nebula. This was left to the other pioneers of astrophotography who followed him and in particular his son Henry Draper. He had completed his ‘experiment’; and it had worked; so he had finished what he had set out to do; and so he turned attention to the next project in his ‘exercise book’.

We are now looking at his ‘exercise book’ over a century after John William Draper closed it for the last time; and seeing what he did well and what he got right. Much of what he did is now seen as naive and wrong, but that is the way of science – the mistakes of others help someone else to the truth.

However no matter what history writes about his life; John William Draper was and always will be the ‘First Astrophotographer’.

John William Draper’s House at Hasting-on-Hudson, New York

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Historical | Catchers of the Light

'The Welshman'

by ArtdeCiel 10. June 2010 08:13

'The Welshman'

Isaac Roberts (1829 - 1904)

“Isaac Roberts was one of the great pioneers of Deep Space Astrophotography. His images of objects such as the Great Andromeda Spiral and the Pinwheel Galaxy are even to this day masterpieces, which many a modern imager would be proud to have taken.”

Roots

Isaac Roberts was a Welshman all his life even though he spent the majority of it in England. He both spoke and wrote the language of his birth fluently. His family was Welsh through and through who had farmed the land around Denbigh for as long as anyone could remember. Yet Isaac Roberts was destined not to be a farmer like his father and his father before him. Instead he was to become one of the greatest pioneers of Astrophotography, whose images of the heavens astounded the world - and which showed objects in a way no human eye had ever gazed upon before. Let us now tell the story of his life which began amid the sheep, choirs and sermons of the Vale of Clwyd, Northern Wales in the years just before Queen Victoria ascended the throne.

Liverpool

Isaac Roberts was born on the 27th January 1829 in the tiny village of Groes a few miles from the market town of Denbigh, Denbighshire, Wales, the son of a local farmer William Roberts and his wife Catherine (nee Williams). A few days later on the 30th January his christening took place at the Swan Lane Chapel, Chapel Street in Denbigh, where successive generations of the Roberts and Williams families’ children had gone before.

Groes, Denbighshire, Wales, Birthplace of Isaac Roberts

In the early decades of the 19th century many people in the villages surrounding Denbigh earned living from farming the sheep and cows which grazed in the luscious pastures of the Vale of Clwyd, made green by a never ending season of rain, followed by more rain. The sheer drudgery was only broken on Sundays when a trip to the local chapel was for many the highlight of their week – a chance to meet friends and family and to have chat. This never ending cycle of sheep and sermons took place week in week out and continued from one generation to the next.

Then rumours were heard of a better life ‘over the water’ in the burgeoning port of Liverpool; where employment was guaranteed and where people could perhaps make something of themselves and actually be somebody. For Isaac Roberts and his parents it was time to move on. Sometime around 1836 before Isaac Robert’s childhood had ended, the whole Roberts family moved to Liverpool. By the time of the 1841 Census they were to be found living in the Dock Area of Liverpool at a house in Collingwood Street – Isaac Roberts, his father and mother, his five sisters, his grandfather and his uncle.

Liverpool in the 1830s was undergoing unprecedented expansion. It had overtaken London as the main port for the import of cotton. During the period 1815 to 1835 eight new docks had been built to cope with increase in traffic. Its industries and the number of factories were growing at a rapid rate- marine engineering, food processing, clothing manufacture and many others - all symptomatic of the blossoming Industrial Revolution and a shift away by people from the land into the city.

This all came at a price. The greatly increased population who had come to the city from the rural areas in search of work needed housing. They found it in overcrowded cheaply constructed tenement buildings, devoid of any proper sanitation. It was not surprising that the Liverpool of the 1840s was one of the unhealthiest places in which to live.


 
Liverpool Docks, by Atkinson Grimshaw 1875

In 1842 Edwin Chadwick published a survey of the ‘Sanitary Conditions of the Labouring Population’. In it he reported that for Liverpool the average life expectancy of a Labourer was only 15, that of a Tradesman slightly more at 22; even a Gentleman could not expect to survive much beyond 35. Ironically in rural areas where the Roberts’s came from a farm labourer was found to live twice as long as his counterpart in the city! The Roberts family were not spared this salutary lesson in statistics, and by the time of the next Census in 1851 – Isaac’s mother and at least two of his sisters were dead.

However not all was bad. In 1851 William Roberts had changed his profession not surprisingly from Farmer to a new one as a Bookkeeper, whilst young Isaac had acquired a job as a Builder’s Clerk in the Civil Engineering Firm of John Johnson & Son. Isaac Roberts, his father and his younger brother William had also moved to a better area of Liverpool, Tarlton Street in the neighbouring district of Everton.

In the years that followed Isaac Robert’s career went from strength to strength. He had started a seven year long apprenticeship on the 12th November 1844 with the firm of John Johnson & Son, Builders and Lime Builders of Liverpool – a company of 60 years standing with a solid reputation for good quality work. By the time Isaac had completed his apprenticeship the firm had become Johnson & Robinson - Peter Robinson who had been with the company for over 30 years having being made a partner in 1847. It was Peter Robinson who took young Isaac under his wing and instilled in him all the virtues necessary to succeed.

Isaac Roberts proved to being a diligent and hardworking apprentice, preferring study to activities normally associated with young people. His evenings were spent at the Institute of Mechanics in Liverpool rather than out socializing in the many alcohol or other pleasure related establishments that were to be found in abundance in the city. In 1855 Isaac was made manager of the company when his master Peter Robinson died. A year later the other partner John Johnson died and Isaac Roberts was placed in control of winding up the company’s contracts and affairs.

In 1859 Isaac set business as small self employed Builder. By the time of the next Census in 1861, his father William Roberts had died and Isaac Roberts had moved to live with his widowed elder sister, Phoebe Owen in one of the newly constructed houses along Mersey Lane in a fashionable area of nearby Tranmere - which possessed exotic names such as ‘Sea View Villa’. In 1862 he was joined in the business by Peter Robinson’s son, J.J. Robinson and the firm became Roberts & Robinson Builders. The company’s first contract was to build the Birkenhead Waterworks on Flaybrick Hill, an area which at that time was one of great outstanding natural beauty. This was quickly followed by other lucrative contracts, e.g. it was the firm of Roberts & Robinson that was given the building contract for the construction of the new Lime Street Station Hotel for the London & North Western Railway Company. Within a few years Roberts & Robinson was one of the most respected construction firms in the region.

Rock Ferry

In 1871 we find Isaac Roberts still living with his widowed sister Phoebe Owens and her two daughters, Deborah and Ada, but now in an even more up market up residence –No. 26 Park Rock, Rock Ferry, Birkenhead. Rock Park provided comfortable homes for well-to-do merchants, ship owners and professional families, while the town of Rock Ferry itself provided homes and a living for small tradesmen, craftsmen and fishermen who served them.

Isaac was by now 42 years of age, a Master Builder, very well off indeed, unmarried and with as yet no obvious interest Astronomy or Photography whatsoever. However he was at that time known to be an avid amateur Geologist with a real passion for anything scientific or mechanical acquired during the many nights he spent at night school and his years in the building trade.

He published his first scientific paper on the unlikeliest of subjects for future pioneer of Astrophotography – “The Wells and Water of Liverpool”. It was in the field of Geology and not Astronomy that he first made his mark, and was in 1870 rewarded for his work when he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Geological Society of London.

In 1875 Isaac Roberts finally married for the first time. His wife was Ellen Anne Cartmel the daughter of Anthony Cartmel a prosperous Shipwright in Liverpool. It was shortly after his marriage that his first interest in Astronomy is awakened. By 1878, Roberts had purchased his first telescope a Cooke 7-inch refractor which was erected in a revolving dome at his home in Rock Ferry, Birkenhead.

It should be remarked that Isaac Robert’s ‘first’ telescope was an extremely expensive instrument, made by T. Cooke & Sons of York who were at the time one of the finest makers of scientific instruments in the world. Such a telescope would have cost Isaac Roberts more than a lifetime of wages for the average Liverpool worker in the 1870s.

At first Isaac used his splendid instrument for visual observation from what was then a dark site location, relatively free of the light pollution that plagues the area now. He was now sufficiently well off to begin considering what was really important to him and in Astronomy he had found it. His building firm had made him financially secure and was he therefore fortunate in being able to do what he wanted and when he wanted.

In the 1870s, Liverpool and its surrounding environs were becoming ever more built up and were even beginning to encroach on the affluent area of Rock Ferry. Nothing is worse for any astronomer than the thought of the loss of an uninterrupted skyline and the prospect of city lights! So it was for Isaac Roberts. He had to move.

Maghull

In about 1881 Isaac Roberts moved yet again, this time to the tiny hamlet of Kennessee Green near to then small village of Maghull. The choice of location chosen by Isaac Roberts was no accident but the result of careful thought and consideration. It was quiet, small and at the time well away from threat of any urban sprawl and dark!

The Census for the year 1881 records that Isaac Roberts lived at his new home with his wife Ellen Anne, his niece Ada Jane Owen (daughter of his sister Phoebe), a Cook and a Domestic Servant - and his telescope of course.

In 1883, Roberts began experimenting with stellar photography for the first time. He first used a simple camera assembly comprising of an boxed enclosure containing a photographic plate and a portrait lens. This he attached to the declination axis of his 7” Cooke Refractor. A variety of portrait lenses with apertures varying from 3/8” to 5 were used during the course of his experiments. The lens which gave the best results was a 2” objective made by Lerebours & Secretan, which Roberts used as a benchmark configuration for his photographic tests of well known groups of stars.

So at the age of 54, Isaac Roberts began his passion for Astrophotography which lasted until the very day he died. As with anything new, he was sensible and did what even those beginning in Astrophography even today should do – take an image of star field and get it properly focused. This is exactly what Isaac Roberts did, but it should be said that he did it when very few other people in the world had taken a photograph of anything let alone a star.

Lerebours & Secretan Portrait Lens, c1855 5” (13cm) Aperture

Roberts was so pleased with the results that he did what every amateur astronomer does who his hooked – upgrade his equipment. However he did not upgrade as one might expect to a telescope with larger objective lens and a camera assembly attached at its focus, but instead he ordered a Reflecting Telescope with an 18” diameter mirror. Why?

Firstly, his experiments with portrait lenses had shown him that the best results were not necessarily achieved with a larger lens. Secondly he did what any sensible astronomer of today – look at the type of equipment others have and the quality of the results they achieved. In 1883 Andrew Ainslie Common, an amateur from Ealing, London had taken a magnificent photograph of the ‘Great Orion Nebula’ (M42) with a 37 minute exposure using his 36” Reflecting Telescope. It was this photograph and his experiences with lenses which made up Robert’s mind to buy a Reflector. He confirmed as much when in 1886 he wrote:

“The results of these experiments, and comparison with Mr. Common’s great photograph of the Nebula in Orion, that I gave Sir Howard Grubb an order to make me a 20-inch silver on glass reflector, with 100 inch focal length, the photographs to be taken directly in the focus of the mirror, to obviate any loss of light by a second reflexion, the photographic telescope to be mounted on the same declination axis as the 7-inch refractor, one being the counterpoise to the other”.

The 18” Reflector was ordered from the famous telescope maker Grubbs of Dublin and the results obtained with were so encouraging that Roberts ordered an even larger one now with a 20” diameter mirror. It was with this telescope that Isaac Roberts learned his trade as an Astrophotographer and subsequently took the images for which he rightly became famous.

Isaac Roberts’s new career as an astronomer began to flourish, by the end of 1886, Roberts had become president of his local astronomical at Liverpool, and had taken 200 pictures of the stars, in addition to pictures of the Orion nebula (M42), the Andromeda nebula (M31) and the Pleiades (M45). I say career and not hobby or vocation, because that is exactly what it was. His building business had made him financially independent and he no longer needed it to earn a living, and his astronomical interests were beginning to take up more and more of his time.

In 1888 he wound up his interests in his building contracting company to devote all his time and energies to Astrophotography. He completed the construction of an Observatory in his house at Maghull and began taking photographs of well known star clusters, nebulae and galaxies – whose structure and composition were only just beginning to be understood through photographic and spectroscopic studies.

Unfortunately it had become clear to Isaac Roberts that his present observing site did not have as many clear nights as he would have liked (he should live there now!). This was becoming ever more frustrating, so much so that Roberts decided to move his new Observatory to a more favourable location.

In his customary fashion the search for a new observing site was conducted with the utmost care and attention to detail. Roberts even went to the trouble of travelling to the West Indies in an attempt to find his ideal ‘dark site’. He finally decided after much deliberation, to establish his Observatory at Crowborough Hill in Sussex.
Crowborough as a suitable observing site was probably brought to Robert’s attention by Charles Leeson Prince FRAS, FR Met. Soc.  In 1885, Prince a retired physician and now amateur astronomer, had written a book entitled “Observations upon the Topography and Climate of Crowborough Hill, Sussex”, which described in great detail the benefits of the area as a ‘health resort, with a bracing climate and recuperative properties of the air’.

It is not known whether Roberts knew Prince directly or through a mutual friend or whether he stumbled on the book by accident or had it recommended to him. Whatever the truth was Charles Leeson Prince sold part of the plot on which his own house known as ‘The Observatory’ was situated, in fact about four acres, to Roberts. So in 1890, Isaac Roberts moved yet again to his new home which he named ‘Starfield’.

'Starfield'

By the time of the 1891 Census, we find Robert’s and his wife fully established at ‘Starfield’, with Charles Leeson Prince as his neighbour’. ‘Starfield’ was the only one of Robert’s homes which he had personally created from the very outset - from the choice of location, to architectural design, through construction, interior furnishings and the layout of the grounds.

Any Estate Agent will tell you that the three most important points when buying a house are – Location, Location and Location. The location of ‘Starfield’ was ideal - almost on the summit of Crowborough Beacon at a height of about 800 feet above sea level commanding magnificent views. It was an ideal situation for an observatory.

Roberts supervised the building of both the observatory and the bungalow by local workers, thus ensuring the work was up to his exacting standards. Not only was the observatory well appointed, but so was the house. The grounds included a tennis lawn, a productive kitchen garden and fruit plantation. There was also a meteorological station. The visitor to ‘Starfield’ could not fail to be impressed by the wonderful astronomical photographs that were displayed on the walls of the house. The plates of comets, star clusters, and nebula, carefully selected from the thousands available formed a magnificent art exhibition.

‘Starfield’ Isaac Robert’s Home at Crowborough, Sussex

It was at ‘Starfield’ that Isaac Roberts left his true legacy to Astrophotography. Although he had accomplished much whilst at Maghull, the work for which he is justly famous was done at ‘Starfield’. However, things could have been very different, so much so that the name of Isaac Roberts could have been forgotten and lost to the pages of history.  It had been Robert’s intention to produce a photographic map of the stars using his 20” Reflector starting at the North Pole. An exposure of 15 minutes was chosen for each plate.

He even went so far as to send several of the plates to the Royal Astronomical Society for comment and to develop a means of preserving the plates themselves. In partnership with Adam Hilger (1839 1897), the Bristol optician and instrument maker famous for his spectroscopes, they produced what became known as the ‘Stellar Pantograver' - an instrument for engraving directly onto copper the stars shown on the glass plates. 


 
Isaac Robert’s 20” Reflecting Telescope

Fortunately for Roberts an International convention was held in Paris to discuss the production of a photographic sky survey of the both hemispheres. This resulted in the setting up of the ‘Carte du Ciel’ – a project setup to coordinate the results from eighteen professional observatories worldwide. The project in hindsight was doomed to failure from the outset, being overly ambitious and more importantly lacked the necessary technology to succeed – technology which would not become available until a hundred years later with the advent of CCD chips and Earth orbiting satellites.

It became obvious to Isaac Roberts that the project should be 'professionally' run so he relinquished his share and turned his attention to the photography of clusters and nebulae - a decision which proved to be the correct one for both himself and for the future development of Astrophotography in general.

The ‘right path’ for Roberts had been demonstrated at a meeting of the Royal Astronomical Society held in the January of 1886 when he presented a photograph of the open cluster known as the ‘Seven Sisters’ or Pleiades (M45)which showed for the first time nebulosity surrounding the stars Alcyone, Maia, Merope and Electra. It was this that was to become Robert’s legacy – obtaining photographic images of nebulae and clusters which showed not only their magnificence, but more importantly to Science their structure. It was then up to the new science of Astrophysics and in particular astronomical spectroscopy to explain what these images showed in terms of physical processes and chemical composition.

This was the background to the work which Isaac Roberts was to conduct at Crowborough. The work was carried out with the usual systematic thoroughness for which he was well known. A timetable was drawn up detailing how each day was to be spent, broken down into individual tasks set against the hours in the day that they were to be done. Some hours of the morning and some of the afternoon were always set apart for astronomical work and the evenings and nights were almost exclusively, weather permitting, reserved for Astrophotography.

Although Roberts was capable photographer, acquired during his years at Maghull he secured the services of William Franks as his practical photographer and assistant.  It was with the diligence of Franks, under the supervision and guidance of Roberts, that a wonderful collection of astronomical photographs was obtained, whose number and quality far exceeded any taken previously.

By 1893 Roberts had amassed sufficient numbers of photographs to publish the first volume of a two volume set entitled ‘A Selection of Photographs of Stars, Star-clusters and Nebulae’ and in the same year the University of Dublin conferred upon him the degree of DSc on the occasion of its centenary. The second volume of his photographs was published six years later in 1899. As was his custom, Isaac generously distributed copies to many observatories and libraries. 

Isaac Robert’s 1887 Photograph of the ‘Great Andromeda Spiral’ (M31)

By way of recognition of his magnificent photographs of star clusters and nebulae, the Royal Astronomical Society awarded its Gold Medal in 1895 to Isaac Roberts.

Not every day was devoted to Astrophotography. Isaac Roberts even had time to remarry. His first wife Ellen Anne Cartmel had died in 1901 [23], but Isaac Roberts was to meet his second wife some years before. In 1896, Isaac Roberts was a member of the party onboard the Norwegian vessel, Norse King [24] who went to Vadso in Norway to observe the total solar eclipse which took place on the 9th of August of that year. While the eclipse itself was clouded out, Isaac met a woman some thirty years his junior, to match his interest and skill in astronomy.

Dorothea Klumpke was a female astronomer – a rare breed at that time. Despite being a woman, and in the face of fierce competition from 50 men, she had secured the post of ‘Director of the Bureau of Measurements’ at the Paris Observatory. Five years after meeting, Dorothea and Isaac were married in 1901 and went live with him at ‘Starfield’. Dorothea left her job at the Paris Observatory in order to be with Isaac, whom she assisted in a project to photograph all 52 of the Herschel "areas of nebulosity." 

 
Dorothea Klumpke Roberts (1861 – 1942)

His death on the 17th July 1904 was sudden and unexpected. On the very day of his death he was to be found working on his treasured negatives.  After taking a walk in his garden, he went indoors to rest, complaining of pains in his chest. He died an hour later.

The Kent and Sussex Courier of 1904 July 22nd reported his death and tells us that:

'All last winter he (Isaac Roberts) was abroad on account of the bronchial catarrh from which he suffered. On Sunday after breakfast he strolled in the garden with Mrs Roberts, but afterwards, feeling unwell, he went indoors. Mrs Roberts applied remedies and sent for medical help, but before the arrival of Dr Basden and Dr Griffiths, death had taken place. At the inquest on Tuesday it was stated, 'Death was due to failure of the heart's action accelerated by the heat'

Isaac Roberts left no children by either of his two marriages, so Dorothea inherited all his astronomical effects and a considerable fortune. The capital of his estate would ultimately go to the Universities of Liverpool and Wales (at Bangor and Cardiff) for the provision of student scholarships.

Dorothea remained at their Crowborough home and completed the photography of the 52 areas, after which she went to stay with her mother and sister, Anna, at Chateau Rosa Bonheur, taking along the entire set of photographic plates. She returned to Paris Observatory and spent 25 years processing the plates and Isaac's notes, periodically publishing papers on the results.

In 1929 she published a comprehensive catalogue of the survey "The Isaac Roberts Atlas of 52 Regions, a Guide to William Herschel's Fields of Nebulosity" [25]. She was awarded the Hèléne-Paul Helbronner prize in 1932 from the French Academy of Sciences for this publication.

Dorothea Klumpke died on 5 October 1942 in San Francisco, having been in poor health for a number of years.
Isaac Roberts was cremated a few days after his death, but his ashes were later interred at Flaybrick Hill Cemetery, Birkenhead near to the site of his first major building contract, in a special ceremony held on the 21st July 1908, attended by his widow Dorothea, the Mayor of Liverpool and other notable dignitaries.

The memorial headstone erected by Dorothea Klumpke Roberts is one of great beauty and significance, and is a fitting tribute from a devoted wife and a fellow astronomer. The epitaph reads:

"In memory of Isaac Roberts, Fellow of the Royal Society, one of England's pioneers in the domain of Celestial Photography. Born at Groes, near Denbigh, 27 January, 1829, died at Starfield, Crowboro, Sussex, 17 July, 1904, who spent his whole life in the search after Truth, and the endeavour to aid the happiness of others. Heaven is within us. This stone is erected in loving devotion by his widow Dorethea Roberts née Klumpke."

A transcription of the epitaph is written in Welsh on the rear of the memorial, to remind us of all of the land where he was born and which he never forgot. At the base of the Stele is to be found carved representations of two of his photographs. The objects depicted were chosen very carefully by Dorothea for their personal and scientific significance.

The one of the left represents the ‘Great Andromeda Nebula’ (M31) and the one of the right the California Nebula (NGC 1499). Both of these objects were among Isaac Robert’s favourites, but more importantly they represented examples of the two types of Nebula that Robert’s photographs had shown to exist, although their true nature was at the time of his death not truly understood. Nebulae like M31 were known from the work of William Huggins and Joseph Steiner to be made up of an almost incalculable number of stars, whilst objects like NGC 1499 were composed of Gas (principally Hydrogen and Oxygen).

An empty recess in the memorial was intended to contain the ashes of Dorothea Klumpke Roberts, but for some unknown reason it was never used.
The saddest part of Isaac Robert’s life happened ironically after his death, which I hope he never learns of wherever he might now be. It concerns the fate of his beloved ‘Starfield’ and the Observatory in which he spent many happy years.

His instruments were auctioned off by Langridge and Freeman of London. The telescope and mount were purchased by the Royal Greenwich Observatory, where they remained for some years. Ultimately they passed to the Science Museum, South Kensington, where they are to this day, still on the original mount in a dome on the museum roof. Unfortunately public access to it is not permitted.

Although the telescopes had been sold, the dome in which they were housed remained at ‘Starfield’ when it was purchased by a Mr Mackinnon Wood. The house was again on the market in 1928 following Mr Mackinnon Wood's death. It was sold in 1929 before auction to Uckfield Rural District Council for £3,500.

By 1934 the ever present ‘creeping paralysis’ of Local Government began to appear. The Council's staff had expanded from 17 to 29 and it was agreed to alter and extend the building. Unfortunately, it was decided that the dome did not fit into the new scheme and was removed. The work was completed in 1935 and what a surprise - it included a new Council Chamber!

During the early 1980s ‘Starfield’ became too small for the then Wealdon District Council and a new (and obviously even larger) complex was built about half a mile away. It will come as no surprise to you that ‘Starfield’ was surplus to requirements and was sold to make way for a modern housing development. Despite much campaigning, local historians were unable to get the Department of the Environment to list the building, so it was demolished, to make way for the 14 houses which comprise the ‘Starfield’ Estate.

Legacy

What was it about Isaac Roberts and his photographs that have earned him the right to be called one of the truly great Pioneers of Astrophotography? The first point was admirably made by Sir William de Wiveleslie Abney in the address he made as President of the RAS on the award of its Gold Medal to Roberts, in which he said:

"The photographs by Common (Andrew Ainslie Common) of the great nebula in Orion were epoch making in astronomical photography and worthily was the medal bestowed on him for his classic work, and it is no disparagement of the labours of the present recipient (Roberts) if one traces in them the mark of what Common had shown to be possibilities."

Andrew Ainslie Common had shown what was possible in Astrophotography, but Isaac Roberts had made it a reality, with the quality, quantity and variety of his images.

Secondly, the previous images of Deep Sky Objects (DSOs) obtained by the likes Henry Draper and Andrew Ainslie Common were what I call ‘test’ images and were mainly of the ‘Great Orion Nebula’ (M42) – the most obvious target of all; and the favourite of any modern day ‘newbie’ Astrophotographer because of its size and brightness.

What Roberts did was to expand the choice of target to include all the well known DSOs that the modern imager would choose as the next step in his ‘learning curve’ – open clusters, globular clusters, gaseous, nebulae and galaxies. Such targets were not only of different object types, but were a combination of both bright and faint objects and included a variety of angular sizes ranging from a few arc minutes up to several degrees.

To give you some idea of the sheer volume of his photographic output; his widow Dorothea compiled in 1907 a preliminary catalogue of his photographic collection [27]. In it she listed 2485 negatives of stars, star clusters, nebulae and other celestial objects; of which the majority (1412) were taken with his 20” Reflector.

Lastly, and most important of all, Isaac Roberts for the very first time showed the detailed structure of the objects he photographed in a medium which was accurate and permanent. Prior to then, these objects had been only seen through the eyepiece of a telescope and appeared in the main as faint ‘blobs’, except through the largest of instruments. This allowed astronomers to begin to accurately classify the objects and through the new science of Astrophysics to start the long process of understanding what they really were.

Of all the photographs that Roberts took his most famous and certainly his own personal favourite was that of the great nebula in Andromeda (M31) taken in 1887, and to quote Sir William Abney in his RAS address of 1895:

“... A little afterwards he produced his recently published photograph of the great nebula in Andromeda, giving an exposure of 4 hours to the plate.  In this prolonged exposure we have an example of a triumph of patience and instrumental perfection, though these qualities are exhibited in other instances as well. This beautiful object is depicted with its rings of nebulosity in great perfection, and we can correct the eye observations which had been previously made upon it. The stars in the field are beautifully sharp and round, showing that the eye as well as the instrument had to be employed throughout the long exposure to correct changes in the position of the star due to atmospheric refraction and the variation in the rate of clock driving.”

Shortly before his death Isaac Roberts had a portrait of himself painted by his wife’s sister, the artist Anna Klumpke, in which he is shown resting in an armchair, holding in his hand one of his memorable photographs. The image he chose was that of the Andromeda Galaxy (M31) not his most recent photograph of it, but the one had taken in 1887.

The legacy of Isaac Roberts can be summed up in his preface to the first volume of his ‘A Selection of Photographs of Stars, Star-clusters and Nebulae’, in which he says:

“It has been my aim, in publishing the photographs and descriptive matter contained in the following pages, to place data in the hands of astronomers for the study of astronomical phenomena, which have been obtained by the aid of mechanical, manipulative, and chemical processes of the highest order at present attainable, and that such data should be, as regards the photographs, free from all personal errors.

The photographs portray portions of the starry heavens in a form at all times available for study, and identically as they appear to an observer aided by a powerful telescope and dear sky for observing.

Absent are the atmospheric tremors, the cold observatory, the interrupting clouds, the straining of the eyes, the numbing of the limbs, the errors in recording observations, and the many hardships incurred by our predecessors of glorious memory in their attempts to see and fathom the illimitable beyond.

I commend the observations and the photographs herein to astronomers and students of the new astronomy."

Isaac Roberts, 1893

His photographs have been left to us as his final legacy. Nobody not even Wealdon District Council can take those away from us now.

M31 - the 'Great Andomeda Spiral' Galaxy

M42 - the 'Great Orion Nebula'

M11 - 'Wild Duck' Cluster in Scutum

NGC6992 - Veil (Eastern Part) Nebula in Cygnus

M57 - 'Ring Nebula' in Lyra

Isaac Roberts Headstone at Flaybrick Cemetery, Birkenhead

'The Chemist'

by ArtdeCiel 9. June 2010 07:54

'The Chemist'

Frederick Scott Archer (1814 - 1857)

“Frederick Scott Archer was a great pioneer, whose invention of the wet collodion process revolutionized the Art of Photography, but who nevertheless died unrecognized and in virtual poverty.”

Unrecognized

Frederick Scott Archer (FSA) was without doubt one of the great pioneers of early photography, whose name should without doubt stand near to, if not alongside the likes of Louis Daguerre and William Henry Fox Talbot. The publication of his discovery in 1851 of the so called wet collodion process revolutionized photography, making it easier to obtain images with exposures of a few seconds only, and which also enabled multiple positive copies to be quickly made from the same glass negative plate; unlike the Daguerreotype process which produced a one off positive image on a silvered copper plate which could not be readily replicated. The Wet Collodion Plate was the preferred photographic process from its introduction in the early 1850s until the advent of the mass produced Dry Gelatin Plate in the late 1870s and early 1880s.

Yet at the time of his death in 1857, although well respected by his photographic colleagues, he was largely unrecognised by the rest of the public at large; certainly unrewarded and definitely in impoverished circumstances. Even today he is not as well known as the other early photographic pioneers. The 150th Anniversary of his death in 2007 came and went largely unnoticed by the world, despite ample opportunity in the years since his death for historians to reassess his contribution to the development of photography.

Up until now there has been no detailed biography of Frederick Scott Archer. What has been written to date is vague, almost always repeating the same information (often incorrect), without any documentary or physical evidence to support it.  I shall attempt to rectify this unfortunate and unforgivable situation – Frederick Scott Archer deserves to be heard. History owes it to him.

“History is the witness that testifies to the passing of time; it illumines reality, vitalizes memory, provides guidance in daily life and brings us tidings of antiquity”

Marcus Tullius Cicero (106 BC – 43 BC) from his speech ‘Pro Publio Sestio’

Frederick Scott Archer of Hertford

It is generally believed that Frederick Scott Archer was born in Bishops Stortford, Hertfordshire around 1813; the son of a Butcher.

However there is no extant documentary or other evidence to support this view. The 1841 Census record relating to Frederick Scott Archer states somewhat confusingly that he was born in Scotland; whilst the 1851 Census states that he was born in Hertford, Hertfordshire around 1814. The family headstone in Kensal Green Cemetery adds weight to the theory that he actually came from Hertford, stating that his father was ‘THOs ARCHER FORMERLY of HERTFORD ...’.

No record of a Thomas Archer butcher of Bishops Stortford can be found in the surviving documents of the Hertfordshire Archive and Local Studies Office (HALSO), at Hertford. However records relating to Thomas Archer, Butcher of Hertford and his ancestors are to be found in abundance at the HALSO.

Furthermore, Frederick Scott Archer, his brother James and his sister Sarah were all baptized in All Saints Church, Hertford on the same day – 21st April 1822. The only certain connection of Frederick Scott Archer to Bishops Stortford is that his wife Frances Garrett Machin was born there, the daughter of Nathaniel Smith Machin, an auctioneer of Bishops Stortford and King Street, Covent Garden, London. Even the date of his death is often given incorrectly as 2nd May 1857; his death certificate clearly shows he died a day earlier on the 1st May 1857.

‘The Archers of Hertfordshire’

He was born on the 30th August 1814 probably at his father’s premises in Bull Plain, Hertford or at the family’s manor house at Priory Farm, Hertford on the Balls Park Estate of Lord John Townshend; and not at Bishops Stortford contrary to the popular belief stated in all other biographies. At the time of his birth the family’s fortunes were on the slide.

Priory Farm, Hertford, Hertfordshire, possible birthplace of Frederick Scott Archer

His father Thomas Archer was descended from a long line of Butchers and Farmers in Hertford and the neighbouring parishes of Buntingford and Westmill, and previously from the market town of Saffron Walden in Essex. When FSA was born his grandfather Thomas Wright Archer was the tenant at Priory Farm which he rented from the Lord of the Manor, Lord John Townshend. On his death in 1817, the tenancy of Priory Farm passed to his son Thomas Archer along with a thriving butchery business, with the meat from the livestock he reared at Priory Farm.

 

When Frederick was a young boy his father’s business began to fail. In the Hertford Chronicle edition of the 20th June 1820 an advertisement appeared asking for the creditors of Thomas Archer, a bankrupt butcher of Hertford to come forward. Shortly afterwards on the 8th August, the same newspaper was advertising the sale of live and dead farming stock formerly  belong to Thomas Archer. A meeting of creditors followed on the 13th February 1821 and the ultimate shame a trial at the Hertford Assizes on the 23rd July 1822.

 

At this trial in which Thomas Archer did not appear having apparently fled the town, his creditors were in dispute with the assignees of the bankrupt butcher’s estate over ownership of certain items of farming stock. It was alleged but not proved that Thomas Archer knew he was to become bankrupt and sold the farming stock to his assignees before disappearing.

 

It was not long afterwards that Thomas died, leaving Frederick and his siblings orphans. His mother, Elizabeth had died earlier in 1817. For a short while they were brought up by relatives, probably by one of his many aunts and uncles that lived in the nearby villages of Westmill and Buntingford (FSA’s Great Grandfather, James Archer of Buntingford, had at least 18 children!).

‘To London and India’

The Archer orphans did not spend long with their relatives, and all went their separate ways. Frederick, his sister Sarah and his brother James left Hertfordshire to seek their future in London. Henry Thomas Archer the eldest son moved to Bishops Stortford, whilst his sister Fanny, the eldest lived in Bishops Stortford in the last years of her life and died there in 1891. Frederick’s other brother George, initially apprenticed to his father, joined the Army in 1832 and became a trooper in the 11th Hussars Cavalry Regiment, and spent a number of years in Cawnpore, India. He then went onto to take part in and survive the infamous ‘Charge of the Light’ Brigade’ at Balaclava on the 25th October 1854!

Frederick arrived in London sometime after 1822 (the exact date is as yet unknown), where he initially became an apprentice to Benjamin Massey – a bullion dealer, goldsmith, silversmith and coin dealer of 116 Leadenhall Street in the city’s ‘square mile’.

It was during his time at Leadenhall Street that Frederick began to realize what he wanted to be and who he wanted to become. Benjamin Massey originally a native of Norwich, Norfolk had set up in business in the city some 15 years or so before Frederick Scott Archer came to London. By the time FSA became his apprentice his business was thriving – dealing in every kind of precious jewellery – diamonds, pearls, watches, gold, silver and antique coins.

Here the young Archer was enthralled by all that he saw and became fascinated with coins and in particular the representations of the sculptured heads that appeared on them depicting the Kings and Queens of Europe, the Tsars of Russia and all the other rulers of kingdoms far away. He became an expert in numismatics and regularly gave appraisals to customers who brought both antique and modern coins in for valuation. Benjamin Massey had implicit confidence and trust in his young apprentice, as Archer’s widow would later testify:

“Otherwise Mr. Archer’s career was a singular one: losing his parents in childhood, he lived in a world of his own; I think you know he was apprenticed to a bullion dealer in the city, where the most beautiful antique gems and coins of all nations being constantly before him, gave him a desire to model the figures, and led him to the study of numismatics.

He worked so hard at nights at these pursuits that his master gave up the last two years of his time to save his life. He only requested him to be on the premises, on account of his extreme confidence in him.”

The above extract gives great insight into the direction in which FSA’s career was to develop. It was through his love of coins that he began his work as a Sculptor.

Sculptures

During his Apprenticeship, Frederick Scott Archer’s knowledge of coins and his talent in sculpting the figures he found on them came to the attention of Edward Hawkins, the keeper of coins, medals, prints and drawings at the British Museum.  On Hawkins’s recommendation, FSA began attending classes in Art and Sculpture, at the prestigious Royal Academy Schools (RA). It was here that a learnt to become a proficient if not exceptional Sculptor.

From 1836 until 1851 Archer exhibited numerous works in sculpture at the annual exhibitions of the Royal Academy, then held in Somerset House in the Strand. These were mainly busts of well-known people such as the musician Sir George Smart (1839): the Dean of Manchester (1848): the Marquees of Northampton(1850); as well as portrait medallions of the engineer Sir Isambard Marc Brunel (1841,1842) and miscellaneous narrative historical subjects,  Falling Angels (1836) and ‘A Young Briton Receiving Instruction’ (1848).

His best known sculptures were those of ‘Alfred the Great with the Book of Common Law’ which was exhibited at Westminster Hall in 1844 to mixed reviews; and his wall monument to Lady Albert Conyngham (1850) for Mickleham Church, Surrey, which was carved in the form of an urn and was illustrated by an engraving in the Gentleman’s Magazine for May that year but was criticized as having been ‘too severely copied from the antique’.

Most of Archer's work in sculpture remains untraced in 2010.

It is not known where FSA lived during his early years in London, it may be as his widow testified that he spent a good deal of his time at 116 Leadenhall Street and may even have slept or resided there. However some time before 1841, FSA moved to No. 3 Cecil Street, near to the Royal Academy offices at Somerset House, in the Strand. This is confirmed by his Census entry for the year 1841.

It was at about this time that Archer met a young lady called Frances Garrett Machin, a Governess to a family living in Welling, near Bexley in Kent. On the 4th January 1844, they married at Bexley in Kent. How Archer met his future wife is not clear, but it is quite likely that they met whilst she visited her father’s auction house the famous Debenham & Machin (later Debenham & Storr) of No. 26 King Street, Covent Garden. This establishment was a well known landmark and meeting place and very close to where Archer was living – everybody knew of Debenham & Machin in Victorian London.

'Perhaps you would like to know what they are selling by auction at Debenham and Storr's this sultry July afternoon. I should very much like to know what they are not selling. Stay, to be just, I do not hear any landed estates or advowsons disposed of: you must go to the Auction Mart in Bartholomew Lane if you wish to be present at such Simoniacal ceremonies; and, furthermore, horses, as you know, are in general sold at Tattersall's, and carriages at Aldridge's repository in St. Martin's Lane. There are even auctioneers, I am told, in the neighbourhood of Wapping and Ratcliffe Highway, who bring lions and tigers, elephants and ourangoutangs, to the hammer ; and, finally, I must acquit the respectable firm, whose thronged sale-room I have edged myself into, of selling by auction such trifling matters as human flesh and blood.

But from a chest of drawers to a box of dominoes, from a fur coat to a silver-mounted horsewhip, from a carpenter's plane to a case of lancets, from a coil of rope to a silk neck-tie, from a dragoon's helmet to a lady's thimble, there seems scarcely an article of furniture or wearing apparel, of use or superfluity, that is not to be found here. Glance behind that counter running down the room, and somewhat similar to the narrow platform in a French douane, where the luggage is deposited to be searched. The porters move about among a heterogeneous assemblage of conflicting articles of merchandise; the clerk who holds aloft the gun or the clock, or the sheaf of umbrellas, or whatever other article is purchased, hands it to the purchaser, when it is knocked down to him, with a confidential wink, if he knows and trusts that customer, with a brief reminder of "money" and an outstretched palm, signifying that a deposit in cash must be forthwith paid in case such customer be not known to him, or, what will sometimes happen, better known than trusted. And high above all is the auctioneer in his pulpit, with his poised hammer, the Jupiter Tonans of the sale.

And such a sale! Before I have been in the room a quarter of an hour, I witness the knocking down of at least twenty dress coats, and as many waistcoats and pairs of trousers, several dozen shirts, a box of silk handkerchiefs, two ditto of gloves, a roll of best Saxony broadcloth, a piece of Genoa velvet, six satin dresses, twelve boxes of artificial flowers, a couple of opera glasses, a set of ivory chessmen, eighteen pairs of patent leather boots - not made up - several complete sets of carpenters' tools, nine church services, richly bound, a carved oak cabinet, a French bedstead, a pair of china vases, a set of harness, three boxes of water colours, eight pairs of stays, a telescope, a box of cigars, an enamel miniature of Napoleon, a theodolite, a bronze candelabrum, a pocket compass, twenty-four double-barrelled fowling-pieces (I quote verbatim and seriatim from the catalogue), a parrot cage, three dozen knives and forks, two plated toast-racks, a Turkey carpet, a fishing-rod, winch, and eelspear, by Cheek, a tent by Benjamin Edgington, two dozen sheepskin coats, warranted from the Crimea, a silver-mounted dressing-case, one of eau-de-Cologne, an uncut copy of Macaulay's "History of England," a cornet-a-piston, a buhl inkstand, an eight-day clock, two pairs of silver grape-scissors, a poonah-painted screen, a papier-mache work-box, an assortment of variegated floss-silk, seven German flutes, an ivory casket, two girandoles for wax candles, an ebony fan, five flat-irons, and an accordion.

There! I am fairly out of breath. The mere perusal of the catalogue is sufficient to give one vertigo…’

Twice Round the Clock, or ‘The Hours of the Day and Night in London’, by George Augustus Sala, 1859

Wet Collodion

Sometime before 1848, FSA moved house again, and in the London Post Directory for that year he listed as living at No. 18 Tavistock Street, near to Covent Garden, and working as an Artist.

London Post Office Directory 1848: Frederick Scott Archer, 18 Tavistock Street, Artist

In the November of 1847 FSA was introduced to William Henry Fox Talbot's Calotype process through his doctor and friend, Dr Hugh Welch Diamond, a keen photographer. At first FSA used the photographic medium as an aid to sculpture to record his finished work and probably to photograph sitters from which he could model busts. He became increasingly fascinated with photography to the exclusion of sculpture and became an early member of the Calotype Club (from 1848 referred to as the Photographic Club).

At that time the two main photographic processes in existence both had limitations. Daguerreotypes were highly detailed but required long exposures and produced a "one off positive image; the Calotype allowed many prints to be made from one negative but these were produced on paper and were therefore not as sharp.

Archer wrote in ‘The Chemist’ (March 1851) that he was unhappy with ‘the imperfections of paper photography’ and of his endeavours to find a negative material possessing ‘fineness of surface, transparency and ease of manipulation.’

From 1848 Archer began experimenting with glass as a negative support. A light-sensitive coating of albumen (egg which on glass had been used by others with some success but the solution was difficult to spread smoothly and was extremely delicate. Archer experimented instead with collodion. This was made from guncotton. a powerful explosive invented in 1846. It is produced by soaking ordinary cotton in nitric and sulphuric acid. This substance was then dissolved in a mixture of alcohol, ether and potassium iodide to produce the syrupy collodion that could be poured onto glass. This plate was then sensitized in a bath of silver nitrate solution and exposed in the camera while still wet.

Archer's findings were first published in the ‘Chemist’ magazine in March 1851 in a communication dated 18th February. The new process was much faster than the Calotype reducing exposure times to seconds rather than minutes. It was also less expensive to produce than the daguerreotype. Importantly it allowed superbly detailed negatives to be made of a quality never before seen. By printing the new negatives on albumen paper new aesthetic possibilities and practical applications for photography were opened up.

Archer gained permission to show a few of his collodion negatives which were displayed to acclaim a few days before the closing of the 1851 Exhibition at the Crystal Palace., Hyde Park. London

That same year an early enthusiast for Archer's process, Robert J. Bingham, photographed the prize winning exhibits of the Paris Industrial Exhibition to produce some 2500 collodion negatives in a comparatively short time. This convinced many other photographers of the practical viability of collodion beyond doubt despite the cumbersome equipment required for exposing the wet plates and developing them in location. Collodion photography gradually displaced most other process and was prevalent from around 1855 to 1881 when it was superseded by the more convenient gelatin dry plates.

The widespread use of the wet collodion process can also be attributed to the fact that Archer did not patent his invention but shared his findings with fellow photographers and published it freely with no profit to him. By contrast, throughout the 1840s and the early 1850s, Talbot maintained a stronghold over the license of his Calotype process and threatened legal action against those who breached his copyright. Martin Silvester Laroche refused to pay a license after Talbot challenged him which led to the court case of Talbot v. Laroche in 1854. In the case Talbot claimed that Archer's wet collodion method, being essentially a negative/positive process like his own, came under his 1843 Calotype patent. The verdict was that although Talbot should be recognized as the inventor of the negative/positive process Archer's discovery was not covered by the Calotype patent and thus free for all to use without restriction.

However, there were suggestions that Archer was not the only inventor to have come up with the idea of using collodion on glass. Bingham claimed that:

 'In a pamphlet on photography, which I published in London in January 1850, I mentioned the employment of collodion in photography, and communicated the secret of this discovery to the most distinguished photographers of London.'

Archer did not dispute that others had suggested the possible use of collodion before him but he claimed priority to this publication of its practical application.

In a letter published in Notes & Queries in 1852, Archer responded to a correspondent who ascribed the discovery of the collodion process to Gustave Le Gray:

“I considered my claims to  the invention of the collodion process in photography so well recognised, that there could be no necessity for bringing myself forward: seeing, however, that your correspondent G. C., in your number for Dec. 11, ascribes the invention to  Mr. Le Gray, in justice to myself I feel obliged to set you right upon the subject. I have Le Gray's work, published in Paris in July, 1851, in which he certainly mentions collodion, amongst a variety of other materials, as an excellent "en collage" for paper. He states what collodion is, as he describes the nature of other materials, but he does not add one word concerning the manner of using it. He does not give the required pro-portions, nor does he allude to its applicability on glass. For this suggestion I gave him full credit in my manual published last March; but I think a great difference should be made between a per-son who merely suggests the possible use of a material, and another who works it out and gives the public the benefit of his labours. Mr. Le Gray never published the process, excepting in the last edition of his work, which you are aware only appeared a few weeks ago. In 1850, I communicated the results of my numerous experiments to my intimate friends, Dr. Diamond, and Mr. Brown of Ewell, when I showed them how collodion might be used. In March, 1851, I published the process in the Chemist: in consequence of which Mr. Fry called upon me, and I derived pleasure from communicating my discovery to those persons interested in the art. Mr. Fry proposed an introduction to Mr. Horne of Newgate Street; and I went to the house of that gentleman several times, and made him familiar with the process. He saw how useful it would become, and the result was an arrangement for him to sell my iodized Collodion; which fact can be proved by the advertisements inserted in various papers during the summer and autumn of that year. For several months he had the exclusive sale of it : for, until he made it himself, I refused to supply other opticians who applied for it. Now there are various maker: but, for many months, I was the only manufacturer of iodized collodion for sale. I was certainly the first who published the mode of using it, and gave the required proportions of the various chemicals necessary in the process. I have been repeatedly advised to advertise it as the Archerotype, but I was unwilling to do so; not because I doubted my right to the name, but I was satisfied with the general recognition of my claims, and left others to name it for me. Had I done it myself at once, the invention at this late hour would not have been claimed by another.”

Archer was usually unassertive about his invention because he was a shy man. His character was described by a contemporary, John Beattie, a Bristol daguerreotypist who visited him in June 1851 to enquire about the collodion process:

“I soon found nothing more was necessary. I met a thin, pale-faced,, over-thoughtful man, possessing a manner so free, unsuspicious, and gentle, that in a few minutes all idea of my being an intruder was entirely removed... He was profuse in description (as if I paid him a fee) and ended with the words, 'Perhaps would like to see me make a picture? Beattie added. But Mr. Archer's did not end there. He wrote me a list of chemicals which I was to procure, and told me to use his name at Horne and Thornethwaite's [the chemists]...”

In 1852, together with his assistant Peter Wickens Fry, Archer also devised the collodion positive, or 'Ambrotype' process which became extremely popular for portraiture. This was a variant of the wet collodion process in which an underexposed negative was coated with black paint, paper or velvet resulting in a unique positive image often presented in a velvet-lined, plastic or leather ease.

Horne, Thornthwaite and Wood, opticians and philosophical instrument makers of Newgate Street, London, arranged with Archer to sell his iodized collodion and took out newspaper advertisements in the autumn of 1851.  Despite interest from other opticians and chemists Home and Thornthwaite continued to be the sole distributor of Archer’s Collodion, for several months.

While Archer gained very little commercial success as a photographer he maintained his living working precariously as an inventor. His inventions included a camera inside which the various developing processes for the Calotype could be self-contained (later adapted for Archer's own collodion process by his friend William Brown of Ewell, Surrey) and a variety of types of lenses. He regularly advertised his cameras and lenses in Journals such as Notes & Queries.

Travelling Photographer

In the years which followed the discovery of the Collodion Process, Archer chose to demonstrate its powers himself, by embarking on what must have been a very heavy schedule of travelling to almost every corner of England and Wales in order to take images of well known historic buildings or scenic views.

It is known that he captured a Collodion Glass Positive image of Hever Castle as early as the spring of 1849. Howevever his earliest extant Collodion images date from 1851 when he photographed the ruins of Kenilworth Castle, near Warwick in England. Its red sandstone remains date from the various periods in its history from the twelfth to the sixteenth century. It was depicted by artists of the late 18th and early 19th century such as J.M. W. Turner and his friend Thomas Girtin, who pointed the way to subjects such as these, entirely suited for the new art of photography. Walter Scott found inspiration in the castle for his popular novel Kenilworth (1821). It was a subject and location well known to the Victorian public for its romantic, medieval associations.

Kenilworth Castle, Warwickshire: Frederick Scott Archer, Early 1850s

In the 1850s Painters such as John Everett Millais and others of the Pre-Raphaelite school concentrated on creating paintings of historic ruins overgrown with vegetation. The subjects portrayed by these artists of meticulous, finely detailed, lifelike observations of ancient structures were ideally suited to Archer's wet collodion process. His images of Castles such as Kenilworth, Hever and Warwick are among the earliest photographs of ruined buildings - subjects that continued to be a popular with photographers throughout the 1850s and 60s.

Hever Castle, Kent: Frederick Scott Archer; Glass Positive, c1849

Archer exhibited work in the first exhibition devoted exclusively to photography held in 1852 at the Royal Society of Arts. He was active in exhibiting many works at the Photographic Society Exhibitions in Dundee (1854): Glasgow; British Association for the Advancement of Science exhibition (1855); Norwich (1856); Yeovil (1856) and London (1854, 1855, 1856, 1857).

His numerous picturesque landscape and architectural subjects included views of locations as diverse as Surbiton, Ipswich, Warwick Castle, the Cambridge Colleges, Rochester and the cathedral at St. Albans as well as scenes on the Thames, and in Wales. The prices for Archer's prints ranged from £1 to £1 15 shillings. It is interesting to note that, despite his interest in Sculpture and career as a Sculptor, he took very few portraits of people, and certainly none are known to have survived at any rate.

'Sparrow House', Ipswich, Suffolk: Frederick Scott Archer, c1856

During the early 1850’s sometime after 1851, Archer moved with his wife Frances and their three daughters – Alice, Constance and Janet to 105 Great Russell Street. Bloomsbury, London where he set up a business as a Photographer. It was here that he published a full account of his invention in a ‘Manual of the Collodion Photographic Process’ in two now rare editions, printed in 1852 and 1854.

In 1855 he devised a technique for stripping off the collodion image and transferring this to other supports such as cloth and leather for which he was granted British patent number 1914.

Penniless

Despite his significant contribution to photography Archer died in poverty aged 44, at 105 Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury on the 1st May 1857. He was buried in the family plot at Kensal Green Cemetery. London. His death certificate gives the cause of death as 'Cystic Disease of the Liver', as revealed by a post mortem which carried out; and that he had been suffering from it for some 11 weeks. This is a little strange given that 'Cystic Disease of the Liver' is not normally a fatal disease and one wonders whether Frederick's use of extremely toxic chemicals such as Mercuric Chloride played any part in his demise.

The Journal of the Photographic Society in their edition of 21st May 1857 issued the following short note:

“Another victim has been added to the long catalogue of martyrs of science. Mr. Frederick Scott Archer, the true architect of all those princely fortunes which are being acquired by the use of his ideas and inventions, after struggling for some time for bare existence has now departed from us ...”

A subscription list, the Archer Fund, was established on 21st May 1857, by his friends Roger Fenton and John Mayall with other members of the Photographic Society of London, for the benefit of his family. This was followed shortly afterwards by the setting up of a formal Archer Testimonial committee under the chairmanship of the architect, Sir Matthew Digby Wyatt and the surgeon Jabez Hogg as its secretary; which met for the first time on the 8th June 1857.

Archer’s widow, Frances Garrett Machin, died the following year on the 21st April 1858 at 'Alma Cottage' in the Hockerill District of Bishops Stortford, the town of her birth. The subscription was closed in August 1859 with just £767 collected. His three children were granted a pension of £50 from the Civil List due to their father's photographic discovery, which was noted had saved some £30,000 in the production of Ordnance Survey maps alone.

The report of the Archer Testimonial Committee published in the July of 1858, made the following observation:

“When admiring the magnificent photographic prints which are now to be seen in almost every part of the civilised world, an involuntary sense of gratitude towards the discoverer of the collodion process must be experienced, and it cannot but be felt how much the world is indebted to Mr. Archer for having placed at its command the means by which such beautiful objects are presented. How many thousands amongst those who owe their means of subsistence to this process must have experienced such a feeling of gratitude? It is upon such considerations that the public have been, and still are, invited to assist in securing for the orphan children of the late Mr. Archer some fitting appreciation of the service which he rendered to science art, his country—nay, to the whole world.”

The committee went onto to mention the contribution Archer’s Collodion process had on Astrophotography, when it said in its final report:

‘Mr. Warren De la Rue exhibited to the Astronomical Society, November, 1857, photographs of the moon and Jupiter, taken by the collodion process in five seconds, of which the Astronomer Royal (Sir George Airy) said,

'that a step of very great importance had been made, and that, either as regards the self delineation of clusters of stars, nebulae, and planets, or the self-registration of observations, it is impossible at present to estimate the value.'

Even the famous satirical Punch Magazine was moved by Frederick Scott Archer’s death and wrote in its edition of 13th June 1857:

 To the Sons of the Sun (Punch Magazine, 13th June 1857)

"The inventor of Collodion has died, leaving his invention, unpatented, to enrich thousands, and his family unapportioned, to the battle of life. Now, one expects a photographer to be almost as sensitive as the Collodion to which Mr. Scott Archer helped him. A deposit of silver is wanted (gold will do) and certain faces, now in the dark chamber, will light up wonderfully, with an effect never before equalled by photography. A respectable ancient writes that the statue of Fortitude was the only one admitted to the Temple of the Sun. Instead whereof, do you, photographers, set up Gratitude in your little glass temples of the sun, and sacrifice, according to your means, in memory of the benefactor who gave you the deity for a household god. Now, answers must not be Negatives.”

Archer's photographs remain scarce today, despite the fact that he exhibited some 123 wet collodion photographs at various exhibitions in the years 1852 to 1857. The Royal Photographic Society collection contains thirty three albumen photographs including an album of the Kenilworth Castle views.

Also existing are some early experimental collodion positives printed on glass, cloth and leather, a wet collodion plate camera from 1852 and a collodion positive portrait of Archer (1855) by Robert Cade. A view of Sparrow's House, Ipswich was purchased in 1856 from the London Photographic Society Exhibition of that year by Henry Cole, the first director of the South Kensington, later Victoria and Albert Museum. London and remains in that collection.

Footnote:

Of the three Archer children – Alice, Constance and Janet, it is known that at the time of the 1861 Census they were all pupils attending a private school at No. 14 Upper Phillimore Place, Kensington. After this date no record can be found for either Alice or Constance– no marriage, or death or emigration overseas. Janet Archer however lived a full life. She trained as a Heraldic Artist and never married, eventually dying at the age of about 90 at Oxhey, near Watford, Hertfordshire, England.

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Historical | Catchers of the Light

'The Astronomer's Maid'

by ArtdeCiel 6. April 2010 07:45

The Astronomer’s Maid

Williamina Paton Stevens Fleming (1857 - 1911)

 “Williamina Fleming will always be remembered by Astrophotographers for her discovery of the ‘Horse Head’ Nebula one of the most famous and iconic of all astronomical objects.”

 Icon

Williamina Paton Stevens Fleming never took a photograph of an astronomical object; indeed there is no evidence to suggest that she took a photograph of anything. Yet her place in the history of astrophotography is assured - because of a discovery she made – one for which modern Astrophotographers should both revere and revile her for in almost equal measure.

For in 1888 she found on a photographic plate an object which is without doubt the most iconic and beautiful of all astronomical objects ever to be seen by human eyes – the famous ‘Horse’s Head’ Nebula. Let us now tell her story, which is one any author of fiction would be proud to write - of how a lowly housemaid with no scientific training or qualifications became one of the world’s a greatest astronomers.

Her life begins not in the hallowed halls of Harvard College where she worked or amongst the stars of Orion where her ‘Horse’s Head’ lies, but in the streets of the ancient Scottish city of Dundee.

'Horse Head' Nebula - Modern Day CCD Camera Image

Dundee

Williamina Paton Stevens first saw the world at half past five in the early evening of the 15th May 1857 from her mother’s bedroom above a shop at number 86 Nethergate, Dundee. She was born into a working class family, who if fate had have been kinder would have been very wealthy indeed. Her father was Robert Stevens, a carver and guilder who was also an early pioneer of Photography in the city. Her mother Mary Walker was a descendent of the ancient Scottish Clan the so called ‘fighting Grahams’ of Claverhouse.

Williamina’s Great-Great Grandmother lived in the Dower Houser (Doune Castle) at Stirling, but because of a lack of legitimate male heirs her fortune passed to another branch of the family. Her great grandfather had previously eloped with and later married the Dowager’s daughter. In 1809 she gave birth to a son, John Walker (Williamina’s Grandfather) by which time the inheritance had been lost. On the day he was born - the 16th January 1809, John Walker was made an orphan – his father, a Captain in the 79th Highland Regiment was killed at the Battle of Corunna, Spain, within earshot of his newborn son’s first cries!

Very little is known of her early life in Dundee apart from the fact that she belonged to a large extended family. She had six brothers and two sisters. As in any mid Victorian family infant mortality was high; her brother Richard had died aged four, some 4 months before she was born; and three other brothers Andrew, Alexander and Fox had died when she was young.  The year 1864 was a very bad year for the Steven’s family, not only did Williamina lose two of her brothers - but at 11 o’clock on the morning of the 19th March her father Robert Stevens had a heart attack and died. He was 39 years old.

The early death of her father when Williamina was seven years old meant that it was highly unlikely that he was able to teach her about his passion for Photography, which is ironic given that her future claim to fame as a female astronomer was by conducting painstaking examination and measurements of photographic plates. However she may have seen enough of her father’s work to unknowingly acquire skills that helped her later in life. Whatever the truth it is clear that she was an able scholar, becoming a pupil teacher when she was 14. The income from which must have helped her family which had lost its main breadwinner seven years earlier.

The career path that Williamina took for a young girl growing up in mid nineteenth century Dundee was somewhat unusual. At that time a large proportion of people in the city were employed in its many Jute Mills and Marmalade factories. In the 1860s Dundee was the centre of the world Jute trade, having acquired this claim to fame in 1833, when Jute fibre was spun mechanically there for the first time. It was also the hub of the manufacture of Marmalade with James Keiller & Co., being the founder of the tradition. Both industries were no places for people with ambition or dreams, so Williamina was fortunate to have escaped such a fate.

Nethergate, Dundee, Birthplace of Williamina Fleming

Abandonment

In everyone’s life there is at least one event which is so important that it determines their entire future - for good or bad. The 26th May 1877 was Williamina Steven’s.  On that day at the United Presbyterian Church on Paradise Road, Dundee she married one James Orr Fleming. Shortly afterwards her biographers state that the happy couple emigrated in the December of 1878 to Boston, Massachusetts in search of a new life, away from the cold depressing streets of Dundee;  where most people could only look forward to a life sentence of hard labour in a Jute or Marmalade factory. Whilst in Boston, James Fleming abandoned her while she was pregnant with their child. Desperate to survive and to look after her baby soon to be born, she sought employment and found it as a housemaid at the home of Professor Edward Charles Pickering - a famous Harvard College Astronomer.

Now in all the accounts of her life up until now her husband James Fleming was the ‘baddy’. Any good historian will tell you never believe what you read until you have done the (proper) research! So let us now find out what really happened to Williamina after her marriage to James Orr Fleming.

James Orr Fleming was a native of Paisley Abbey (near Glasgow), Lanarkshire having being born there on the 2nd July 1841 to a merchant draper, Archibald Fleming and his wife Agnes (nee Orr). At the time of his marriage to Williamina he was a man ‘on the up’, a widower and had a job as a Bank Accountant. He had previously married Isabella Brown Barr in 1866, but who had died three years later in 1869 aged 22.

Unfortunately no official passenger records have survived which follow their emigration to Boston, or whether James Fleming even went with her. However, the United Stated Census for 1910 records that Williamina first immigrated to Boston in the year 1879 (although the earlier 1900 Census contradicts this and states that she first arrived in America in 1884). This Census also states that by June 1900 she was a widow and that James Orr Fleming was dead. The fate or whereabouts of James Orr Fleming remain a mystery as no record of him can be found after his marriage in 1877, neither in Scotland or the United States.

Following her alleged abandonment by her husband, Williamina did not remain in Boston, but returned to Dundee to her family to have her child. On the 6th October 1879 her son Edward Charles Pickering Fleming was born at 35 Alexander Street, the home of her mother. It was here that she remained until sometime after the 3rd April 1881 when Williamina boarded a steamer again at Glasgow to return to her new found life in Boston, Massachusetts.

The yearning to go back must have been very strong as was her affection for her new employer, Professor Edward Charles Pickering. The fact that she had named her son after him is evidence of this. Some researchers might suggest something a little more than affection, and which might explain why her husband left her - but this is nothing more than pure speculation! Whatever the truth is, she returned alone to Boston to take up employment as a ‘female computer’ at the Harvard College Observatory where Pickering was the Director. Her son who was less than two years old at the time was left in the care of his grandmother Mary Stevens and his great grandmother Mary Walker.

It would be a further six years before mother and son would see each other again. Fortunately the official records which tell the story of their reunion have survived. On the 10th September 1887 Edward Fleming who was then nearly eight years old boarded the Montreal Ocean Steamship SS Prussian at Glasgow Docks bound for the port of Boston. Accompanying the young Edward were members of his family, including his grandmother Mary Stevens (Williamina’s mother) and his young cousins Andrew and Joanna Stevens. None of them ever returned to Scotland again.

Pickering’s Woman

On her return from Dundee in 1881 Williamina Fleming took up a position at the Harvard College Observatory under the supervision of its Director Edward Charles Pickering as a ‘female computer’ – the less charitable of researchers often refer to them as ‘Pickering’s Women’ or even ‘Pickering’s Harem’.

These computers were hired to do the tedious examination and measuring of astronomical photographic plates and the resulting calculations on the positions and brightness of stars. Pickering could hire female computers as unpaid volunteers or for a fraction of the price of men, and he observed that the women he hired were actually more capable of the laborious and detailed work than many of their male counterparts.

Most women during this time didn’t have university level science educations and so they tended to be able to contribute the most in data gathering and in sciences not requiring specific educational training, such as botany and astronomy. In particular, the shift in the late-19th and early-20th centuries from observational astronomy to the new field of photographic astrophysics allowed women to become some of the most important astronomers of their time.

Though they received almost no recognition during their lifetime, “Pickering’s Women” succeeded in far surpassing most of their male colleagues in their discoveries.  It is perhaps worth noting that while Williamina Fleming and the other female computers (e.g. Annie Jump Cannon and Henrietta Swan Leavitt) were understanding the true workings of the cosmos from dim smudges on photographic plates, Pickering’s younger brother the Harvard astronomer William Henry Pickering (who could of course peer into a first-class telescope as often as he wanted) was developing the theory that the dark patches on the Moon were caused by swarms of seasonally migrating insects.

The exact circumstances of how she shifted her career from being Pickering’s Housekeeper to gaining employment at Harvard College are not entirely clear. One version is that Pickering one day declared his frustration at the ineptitude of a male colleague by saying his maid could do better; whilst another says Pickering offered her a part-time position as a copyist and computer at the Observatory because he was ‘struck by her obviously superior education and intelligence’. It proved to be a right decision for both of them.

Edward Charles Pickering (1846 - 1919)

The 1880s saw birth of the new science of Astrophysics and the beginnings of our understanding of the structure and nature of the universe. The decades which preceded it put began to put a yardstick on its size and physical makeup. In 1838 the German Friedrich Wilhelm Bessel had measured the distance of a star for the first time, and thus gave an inkling of just how big the universe really is; whilst the work of Gustav Kirchhoff and Robert Bunsen in the 1860’s showed that chemical elements found on the Earth were also present in the atmosphere our Sun and presumably other stars as well.

As with anything in Science the first step in understanding something is to classify it - the universe being no exception. It was in the field of Stellar Classification that Williamina Fleming first made her mark. The current accepted system of Stellar Classification owes its existence to the work of three of ‘Pickering’s Women’ - beginning with Williamina Fleming then carried on by Antonia Maury and Annie Jump Cannon.

Most stars are classified using the letters O, B, A, F, G, K and M, where O stars are the hottest and the letter sequence indicates successively cooler stars up to the coolest M class. Anyone who has attended Astrophysics classes will have had the mnemonic "Oh, be a fine girl/guy, kiss me" drummed into them from the very outset.

According to an informal tradition, O stars are "blue", B "blue-white", A stars "white", F stars "yellow-white", G stars "yellow", K stars "orange", and M stars "red", even though the actual star colours perceived by an observer may deviate from these colours depending on visual conditions and the individual stars observed.

This non-alphabetical scheme had been developed from an earlier scheme using all letters from A to O, but the star classes were reordered to the current one when the connection to the star's temperature became clarified, and a few star classes were omitted as duplicate of others.

Class

Temperature
Kelvin’s

Conventional color

Apparent color

Mass
solar masses

Radius
solar radii

Luminosity
(bolometric)

Hydrogen
lines

Fraction of all
main sequence stars

O

≥ 33,000 K

blue

blue

≥ 16 M☉

≥ 6.6 R☉

≥ 30,000 L☉

Weak

~0.00003%

B

10,000–30,000 K

blue to blue white

blue white

2.1–16 M☉

1.8–6.6 R☉

25–30,000 L☉

Medium

0.13%

A

7,500–10,000 K

white

white to blue white

1.4–2.1 M☉

1.4–1.8 R☉

5–25 L☉

Strong

0.6%

F

6,000–7,500 K

yellowish white

white

1.04–1.4 M☉

1.15–1.4 R☉

1.5–5 L☉

Medium

3%

G

5,200–6,000 K

yellow

yellowish white

0.8–1.04 M☉

0.96–1.15 R☉

0.6–1.5 L☉

Weak

7.6%

K

3,700–5,200 K

orange

yellow orange

0.45–0.8 M☉

0.7–0.96 R☉

0.08–0.6 L☉

Very weak

12.1%

M

≤ 3,700 K

red

orange red

≤ 0.45 M☉

≤ 0.7 R☉

≤ 0.08 L☉

Very weak

76.45%

During the 1860s and 1870s, the pioneering stellar spectroscopist - the Italian Jesuit priest Father Angelo Secchi created the so called Secchi classes in order to classify the observed spectra of stars. In the late 1890s, this classification began to be superseded by the Harvard classification of Fleming, Maury and Cannon.

In the 1880s, Edward Charles Pickering began to make a survey of stellar spectra at the Harvard College Observatory, using a spectroscope attached to the Bache Astrograph. A first result of this work was the Draper Catalogue of Stellar Spectra, published in 1890.

Williamina Fleming painstakingly classified most of the 10,351 stellar spectra in this catalogue, although she was assisted during the nine years of her labour by eight other female ‘computers’. It used a scheme in which the Secchi classes (I to IV) were divided into more specific classes, given letters from A to N. Also, the letters O, P and Q were used, O for stars whose spectra consisted mainly of bright lines, P for planetary nebulae, and Q for stars not fitting into any other class.

In 1897, another ‘Pickering computer’, Antonia Maury, refined the classification further, although she did not use lettered spectral types, but rather a series of 22 types numbered from I to XXII.

In 1901, Annie Jump Cannon returned to the lettered types, but dropped all letters except O, B, A, F, G, K, and M, used in that order, as well as P for planetary nebulae and Q for some peculiar spectra. She also used types such as B5A for stars halfway between types B and A, F2G for stars one-fifth of the way from F to G, and so forth.

Finally, by 1912, Cannon had changed the types B, A, B5A, F2G, etc. to B0, A0, B5, F2, etc. This is essentially the modern form of the Harvard classification system.

During the course of her great work on Stellar Classification Williamina Fleming, 222 new variable stars were discovered either directly by her or under her supervision. Most astronomers would be satisfied to have found but one, but 222 is a feat bordering on the miraculous, given that many more were to be discovered by her in the future!

By the time of publication of the Draper Catalogue in 1890, Williamina Fleming’s place in the history of astronomy was secured, but in 1888 her pedestal in the ‘hall of fame’ of pioneering Astrophotographers had been erected and was awaiting her statue to be placed on it; for 1888 was the year many a modern day Astrophotographer may wish to forget.

Williamina Fleming (standing) with her 'Computers', c1891

The Horse’s Head

On ice crisp winter nights the constellation of Orion dominates the heavens. The mighty hunter strides across the sky accompanied by his hunting dogs in search of the night’s kill. Below the first star in his belt, about half a degree to the south is an object  - that some amateur astronomers have likened to the ‘Grim Reaper’s’ black Horse, whose head is seen rising from the red fires of hell bringing death to all - an exaggeration maybe. This portend of doom is real in the sense that anyone trying to catch a glimpse of this elusive object is likely to fail.

 If any of you are thinking of looking for it and expect it to be easy, heed my advice – either look at it in a book or take your telescope to the darkest observing sight you can find, preferably one without even the feeblest of glow worms nearby – and maybe you will be lucky. If you really want to see it - then do what I had to eventually do – attach a CCD camera to the end of a telescope and take a one minute long exposure; after making sure your instrument is pointing in the right direction to begin with – only then will you see it! If you want to obtain an image like the ones illustrated here – then you will need extend your total exposure time to ten hours or more spread over several nights and upgrade your equipment! For those of you who want to take up the challenge I have included a finder chart to help you!

The question many of you will be asking is why bother? – My answer is simple take a look at the image of it above. There you will see what many believe to be the most beautiful object in the entire heavens – an image of a black horse’s head rising out of dark clouds bathed in light likened by some to be the ‘Rays of God’. Now all of this trouble is the fault of one person only - Williamina Paton Stevens Fleming. So how did this ‘ghost of an enigma’ come to be found when it had eluded every telescopic observer since Galileo first trained his telescope to the sky in 1609?

It all began in 1885, when Edward Charles Pickering obtained a $2000 grant from the Bache Fund of the American National Academy of Sciences to purchase an 8" Photographic Refractor. With the money he bought a Voightlander portrait lens of 8 inches aperture and 45 inches focus; this doublet, or combination of two sets of crown and flint components, had a low focal ratio, and thus was photographically fast, i.e. it required shorter exposure times.

This lens system was then given to the famous optical makers Alvan Clark & Sons, who conveniently had their workshops nearby for correction and mounting. The correction involved lengthening the focus by about 10 centimetres so that the scale of the photographs would be the same as that of various other star charts. The telescope was held in an equatorial fork mount equipped with a Bond spring-governor clockwork drive.

8" Bache Astrograph, Mount Harvard, Peru

For the first few years of its life the telescope was used at Harvard College Observatory in Cambridge Massachusetts. With an 8-inch prism over the objective this telescope was used for photographing stellar spectra, and the results formed the basis of the Draper Catalogue.

The Bache Astrograph was Harvard College Observatory's first Photographic Refractor. It was with a photographic plate taken with this telescope that Williamina Fleming discovered the ‘Horsehead’ Nebula, otherwise known as Barnard 33 (B33). Before the Bache telescope was sent to Harvard's observatory in Peru first at Mount Harvard in 1889, it took a series of plates.

B33 was first noticed in 1888 by Williamina Fleming on photographic plate B2312. Plate 2312 was obtained with 90 minute taken on the 6th February 1888 and covered an area of sky about 10 degrees square, of which the inner 7 degrees provides good definition. At the time the compiler of the New General Catalogue (NGC), Dr. John Louis Emil Dreyer seemed to have denied credit for her discovery, and wrongly attributed the new nebula to Edward Charles Pickering.

The discovery of the nebula was however reported by Edward Charles Pickering in the Annals of the Astronomical Observatory of Harvard College for the year 1890. The report clearly states that the plate on which the ‘Horsehead’ is found was examined by Williamina Fleming.

Plate B2312 on which the ‘Horsehead’ Nebula (B33) was discovered

Recognition

Following the publication of the Henry Draper Catalogue of Spectra in 1890, Williamina Fleming became even busier than before, if that was at all possible. Her duties were expanded and she was placed in charge of all the young women ‘computers’; giving them the necessary training, allocating their work and monitoring their progress. She also edited the observatory's publications as well as undertaking other administrative tasks too numerous to mention. This was all in addition to her personal research work!

The sheer volume of her work and the effectiveness of it, is no better illustrated than in the Harvard College Observatory Circulars. These publications which began to appear in October 1895 were intended to communicate recent findings ahead of formal publication. Williamina Fleming’s name appears explicitly in 17 out of the first 25 circulars. Circular No. 4 for example, describes Williamina’s discovery of a new star or Nova – her fourth. She would eventually discover 10. It should be noted that few astronomers find even one Nova in their lifetime!

The Circulars were not only concerned with discoveries but detailed new observing projects and plans for the future development of the Observatory. It was for this reason that Williamina’s name became less frequent in the circulars – she was beginning to become to the ordinary worker that dreaded of all incarnations – a Manager! In 1899, Fleming was given the title of Curator of Astronomical Photographs, the first such appointment ever given to a woman at Harvard Observatory.

The entries in her personal journal for this period graphically describe the type and scale of the work in which she had by then become totally responsible for.

The entry for 1st March 1900 provides a microcosm snapshot of her world at that time:

In the Astrophotographic building of the Observatory 12 women including myself are engaged in the care of the photographs; identification, examination and measurement of them; production of these measurements and preparation of results for the printer.”

Her Journal also provides a fascinating insight into Williamina’s life both private and social. It might be thought that she had little time for anything other than work. This is not so.

Williamina was also a working mother looking after the welfare of her son Edward, who although now nearly 21 years of age was behaving in a way which every mother despairs of! – She goes onto complain in her Journal that day that:

“My son Edward now a student in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology knows little or nothing of the value of money and therefore has the idea that everything should be forthcoming on demand ...” who’d be a parent!

There was also time for social activities. Despite the weight of her duties at the Observatory and family problems she was able to fit in a trip to the theatre that evening:

“In the afternoon several matters of business required my attention in Boston. After attending to these I joined Mrs Bailey, Miss Anderson and my sister Mrs Mackie at the Castle Square Theatre. The play was the ‘Firm of Girdlestone’ and we all enjoyed it. Mrs Bailey tried to persuade me to stop over and dine with her, but my little family needs me in the morning. They are apt to be late for breakfast and consequently daily duties if the head of the house is not there to get them going.”

The journal goes onto describe her never ending cycle of duties and discoveries.  The shining star which was her career continued to rise.

During the course of her long and illustrious career, she went onto to discover a grand total 59 gaseous nebulae, over 310 variable stars, and 10 novae – an unbelievable achievement.

In 1906, she received the ultimate in recognition for this work when she was made an honorary member of the Royal Astronomical Society of London, the first American woman to be so elected. At that time only four other women astronomers had been elected to what was then a society dominated wholly by men.

White Dwarfs & Death

In 1910 Williamina Fleming was the first to discover a new type of star later to become known as a White Dwarf. 

A white dwarf is a small very dense star with a mass comparable to that of the Sun and a volume comparable to that of the Earth. Its faint luminosity comes from the emission of stored thermal energy. White dwarfs comprise roughly 6% of all known stars in the solar neighbourhood. The name white dwarf was coined by Willem Luyten in 1922.

White dwarfs are thought to be the final evolutionary state of all stars whose mass is not too high—over 97% of the stars in our galaxy in fact. After the ‘hydrogen–fusing’ life of a main-sequence star of low or medium mass ends, it will expand to a red giant which fuses helium to carbon and oxygen in its core.

If a red giant has insufficient mass to generate the core temperatures required to fuse carbon, an inert mass of carbon and oxygen will build up at its centre. After shedding its outer layers to form a planetary nebula, it will leave behind this core, which forms the remnant of which is a white dwarf.

A white dwarf is very hot when it is formed but since it has no source of energy, it will gradually radiate away its energy and cool down. This means that its radiation, which initially has a high colour temperature, will lessen and redden with time. Over a very long time, a white dwarf will cool to temperatures at which it will no longer be visible, and become a cold black dwarf.

Her discovery of White Dwarfs was Williamina’s last major discovery and a fitting end to a truly remarkable life. A White Dwarf is a star that has reached the end of its life, and so it proved to be the case for Williamina Fleming. In her last years she had successfully survived more than one major operation - brought on by her many years of hard work. At the time it was thought she had fully recovered, so much so to that she had even began thinking of returning to her native Scotland.  In September 1907 she had submitted an application to become a naturalized United States citizen – the first step in obtaining a Passport to return to her native land.

By September 1910 her recovery seemed assured when she made the long journey to California to participate at a conference on Solar Physics – taking pains to attend every one of its sessions. On her return she even stopped off in Salt Lake City to visit her son who had settled there and was now working as a Metallurgist. After a few days rest she resumed her duties in her usual fashion by discovering two more Novas bringing her total to 10 out of the 17 discovered in the previous 25 years!

A few months later she became seriously ill at her home at 62 Concord Avenue, Cambridge, Massachusetts and died in N.E. Boston Hospital of Pneumonia on 21st May, 1911. An autopsy showed that she also had blood poisoning in the kidneys and spleen and would not have recovered even if she had overcome the pneumonia which killed her.

She was buried at Mount Auburn cemetery, Cambridge Massachusetts.

The ‘Grim Reaper’ had finally found the remarkable woman who had first revealed his magnificent black horse for all to see.

Mount Auburn Cemetery, Williamina Fleming's Final Resting Place

Tags: ,

Historical | Catchers of the Light

'Catchers of the Light' - A History of Astrophotography

by ArtdeCiel 26. March 2010 12:48

'Catchers of the Light'

- The Definitive History of Astrophotography

 A Free eBook by Dr. Stefan Hughes, BSc., MA, Ph.D.

... former NASA Project Scientist and Professional Astronomer

To be published in installments over the coming months.

Preface

I was twelve years old when I first looked up at the stars and wondered.

From the hill high above my house I used to stand night after night under dark skies and dreamed of all the wonderful photographs I had seen in my books - of other galaxies far beyond our own milky way, of glowing clouds of gas, clusters containing stars far too many to count and the mystical dark clouds through which no stars could shine.

Images of the Great Andromeda Spiral, the Great Orion Nebula and the Great Globular Cluster in Hercules and the most iconic of them all – the ‘Horse Head’ filled my head as I lay beneath the stars all those years ago.

I used to think that the people who made all this possible were famous scientists – household names. They had to be - after all they had captured in these magnificent photographs the true nature of our universe. Yet the truth is so very different.

How many of you have heard of a clockmaker called William Bond, a doctor named Henry Draper, the brothers Paul and Prosper Henry, the priest Angelo Secchi  or the housemaid Williamina Fleming?  These were the true pioneers of Astrophotography - whose names have long been forgotten and confined to the closed pages of history.

Although it is over forty years since I first stood upon that hill, it is only now that I am able to repay them for what they gave to me. I can think of no better way than to tell the story of their lives;  not in the language of a scientist but in ordinary words; befitting these ordinary people who did such extraordinary things.

 I stood upon that silent hill

And stared into the sky until

My eyes were blind with stars and still

I stared into the sky

The Song of Honour

Ralph Hodgson (1871-1962), English Poet

Contents

Preface

Using the Book

The Book has been divided into ten self contained parts, each devoted to a particular aspect of the history of astrophotography.

The parts cover every aspect of the subject from the early photographers; the first astronomical photographs of the Moon, Sun and Planets; the Deep Space Astrophotography of nebulae and galaxies; Astronomical Spectroscopy enabling astronomers to understand the workings and composition of the universe ; as well as the development of the Astrograph (i.e. the Photographic Telescope) culminating in the ‘hi-tech’ Hubble and Herschel Space Telescopes.

A number of Appendices are included which contain more detailed information on topics such as the optical systems of astrographs; and photographic processes, e.g. heliographs, calotypes, daguerreotypes, wet & dry collodion etc.

A Glossary of Terms used in the book is also included, as is a timeline summarizing the historical development of astrophotography and a list of references pointing to additional sources of reading material on the subjects covered.

The reader can choose which part to read either in sequence, in the order that takes their interest or any chapter of their choosing. They will lose nothing no matter how they read the book or in what order.

Furthermore the book can be used at a number of levels; either as a biography of the lives of pioneers of astrophotography, a source of reference for a student or researcher; and finally as a technical compendium of the historical development of photographic equipment, processes and techniques.

Hyperlinks to those parts of the Book which have been completed are included in the Contents.

How to Become a Great Astrophotographer

Part I: 'Firstlight' - Early Photographers

Abstract

Every day our eyes catch the light of our memories – time spent with family, the journey to work, a special holiday, a beautiful sunset or a dark starlit night. Each image captured is a picture drawn in light – a photograph: only to be lost in our minds or forever forgotten.

Some two hundred years ago a small group of amateur scientists achieved what had eluded mankind for centuries – the ability to capture a permanent record of an image seen by their own eyes – a moment in time frozen onto a surface. They had discovered Photography. They were the ‘Catchers of the Light’.

The first part of our story of Astrophotography begins with the lives and achievements of four of these early photographic pioneers. Of the four only two will probably be known to you – the great French showman Louis Daguerre and the enigmatic Englishman William Henry Fox Talbot.

The other two lesser known pioneers will I believe overshadow them, once the history books of the future are written. The first of them Joseph Nicephore Niépce was an obscure French inventor who so nearly became famous; and the other is Thomas Wedgwood, the son of the famous Potter Josiah Wedgwood.

If the latest research into the history photography proves correct – then it is likely that Thomas Wedgwood may well take all the credit for the invention of Photography. Only time will tell!

A discussion of this very controversial subject – ‘who really invented Photography?’ ends Part I.

Possibly the ‘first’ ever photograph – Thomas Wedgwood c1800?

I.1 Thomas Wedgwood (1771 – 1805)

I.2 Joseph Nicephore Niepce (1765 - 1833)

I.3 Louis Jacques Armand Daguerre (1787 – 1851)

I.4 William Henry Fox Talbot (1800 - 1877)

I.5 CONTROVERSY

Part II: 'Moonlight' - Lunar Astrophotography

II.1 John William Draper (1811 - 1882)

II.2 Moritz Loewy (1833 - 1907)

II.3 Pierre Henry Puiseux (1855 - 1928)

II.4 William Henry Pickering (1858 - 1938)

II.5 LOPAM

Part III: 'Sunlight' - Solar Astrophotography

III.1 Armand Hippolyte Fizeau (1819 - 1896)

III.2 Jean Bernhard Foucault (1819 - 1868)

III.3 Warren de La Rue (1815 - 1889)

III.4 Pierre Jules Cesar Janssen (1824 - 1907)

III.5 SOHO 

Part IV: 'Planet' - Solar System Astrophotography

IV.1 John Adams Whipple (1822 - 1891)

IV.2 William Usherwood (1821 - 1915)

IV.3 Paul Henry (1848 - 1905) & Prosper Henry (1849 - 1903)

IV.4 VIKING

Part V: 'Starlight' - Deep Space Astrophotography

V.1 William Cranch Bond (1789 - !859)

V.2 George Phillips Bond (1825 - 1865)

V.3 Henry Draper (1837 - 1882)

V.4 Isaac Roberts (1829 - 1904)

V.5 James Edward Keeler (1857 - 1900)

V.6 William Edward Wilson (1851- 1908)

V.7 Edward Emerson Barnard (1857 - 1923)

V.8 Williamina Fleming (1857 - 1911)

V.9 PALOMAR

Part VI: 'Spectra' - Astronomical Spectroscopy

VI.1 Joseph von Fraunhofer (1787 - 1826)

VI.2 Lewis Morris Rutherfurd (1816 - 1892)

VI.3 Angelo Secchi (1818 - 1878)

VI.4 William Huggins (1824 - 1910) & Margaret Huggins (1848 - 1915)

VI.5 Hermann Carl Vogel (1841 - 1907)

VI.6 Joseph Scheiner (1858 - 1913)

VI.7 Milton Lasell Humason (1891- 1972)

VI.8 Edwin Powell Hubble (1889 - 1953)

VI.9 HERSCHEL

Part VII: 'Carte du Ciel' - Photographic Sky Surveys

VII.1 Amedee Mouchez (1821 - 1892)

VII.2 David Gill (1843 - 1914)

VII.3 HIPPARCOS

Part VIII: 'Telescope' - The Story of the Astrograph

VIII.1 William Parsons (1800 - 1867)

VIII.2 Andrew Ainslie Common (1841 - 1903)

VIII.3 Bernhard Schmidt (1879 - 1935)

VIII.4 George Willis Ritchey (1864 - 1945)

VIII.5 Henri Chretien (1879 - 1956)

VIII.6 HUBBLE, BUBBLE, TOIL & TROUBLE

Part IX: 'Plates' - Photographic Technology

IX.1 John Herschel (1792 - 1871)

IX.2 James Clerk Maxwell (1831 - 1879)

IX.3 Frederick Scott Archer (1814 - 1857)

IX.4 Richard Leach Maddox (1816 - 1902)

IX.5 A PLATE OF CHIPS

Part X: 'Digital' - Modern CCD Astrophotography

X.1 Jack Newton

X.2 David Malin

X.3 Robert Gendler

X.4 THE HORSE’S HEAD

Appendices

Appendix A - Astrophotography Timeline

Appendix B – Photographic Processes

Appendix C - Astrograph Optical Systems

Appendix D – Glossary of Terms

References

Index

Tags: ,

Historical | Catchers of the Light

Astrophotography Gallery: Ten Pioneering Astronomical Images

by ArtdeCiel 9. October 2009 12:24

Astrophotography Gallery: Ten Pioneering Images

Overview

On January 7, 1839, members of the French Academies des Sciences were shown by Francois Arago products of an invention that would forever change the study of astronomy - photography.

The astonishingly precise pictures they saw were the work of Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre, a Romantic painter and printmaker most famous until then as the proprietor of the Diorama, a popular Parisian spectacle featuring theatrical painting and lighting effects.

Each daguerreotype (as Daguerre dubbed his invention) was a ‘one of a kind image on a highly polished, silver-plated sheet of copper. It was the Polaroid of the day.

Even Arago, the then director of the Observatoire de Paris, was reportedly surprised by a daguerreotype image of the moon (which has not survived).

Neither Daguerre's microscopic nor his telescopic daguerreotypes survive, for on March 8, 1839, the Diorama—and with it Daguerre's laboratory—burned to the ground, destroying the inventor's written records and the bulk of his early experimental works.

In fact, fewer than twenty-five securely attributed photographs by Daguerre survive—a mere handful of still life, Parisian views, and portraits from the dawn of photography.

 1.       1840: Moon; John William Draper

On March 23, 1840, after a number of unsuccessful attempts, John William Draper (1811-1882) reported, at a meeting of the New York Lyceum of Natural history, later to become the New York Academy of Sciences, that he had been successful in utilizing a 13cm Reflector Telescope and a small daguerreotype camera to photograph the Moon’s surface on one inch diameter plates with a twenty minute exposure.

This was the first successful photograph ever taken of an astronomical object.

2.       1845: Sun; Jean Foucault and Armand Fizeau

According to Francois Arago, a large number of daguerreotypes of the sun were obtained by Armand Hippolyte Louis Fizeau (1819-1896) and Jean Bernard Léon Foucault (1819-1868) at the Paris observatory. One of these photographs, taken on April 2, 1845, still survives and is shown below.

This is the earliest surving photograph ever taken of the Sun showing its spots as well.

3.       1851: Total Solar Eclipse; M. Berkowski

A  daguerreotype photograph of a total eclipse of the Sun from Kšnigsberg, Prussia was obtained by a Mr. M. Berkowski, recording the inner corona and several prominences on 28th July 1851.

This is the first photograph ever taken of a Total Eclipse of the Sun.

4.       1857: Mizar & Alcor; George Phillips Bond

In 1857 George Philips Bond (1825-1865), the son of William Cranch Bond) produced a wet collodion photographs of the double star Mizar (Zeta Uma) and Alcor (80 Uma) using the 15” (38 cm) ‘Great Harvard Refractor.

This was the first successful attempt at photographing a double star and more importantly its fainter companion.

5.       1880: M42 - 'Great Orion Nebula'; Henry Draper

On the 30th September 1880 Henry Draper (1837-1882) photographed the Great Orion Nebula (M42) using his 11” Alvan Clark Refractor with an exposure of 57 minutes, from his Observatory at Hastings-on-Hudson, New York.

This was the very first photograph ever taken of a Deep Sky Object.

In March 1881 he took an even better photograph of M42 with an exposure of 104 minutes, and a year later in March 1882 he produced a third photograph, extending the exposure of M42 to 137 minutes. 

6.       1886: Jupiter; Paul Henry and Prosper Henry

In the years 1885-86 the french astronomer brothers' Paul and Prosper Henry took a series of photographs of the planets, when they imaged Jupiter and Saturn.

These photographs were the first successful images ever taken of a Planet

Prior to this time others had tried including contemporary pioneers like Warren de La Rue, but failed; his images of 1857 were only ½ mm across, and were therefore barely visible! 

7.       1888: B33 ‘Horsehead’; Williamina Fleming

In 1888 Williamina Fleming  was to make a discovery which astrophotographers all around the world will thank her for (and curse her just as much!).

The dark nebula B33 was first noticed that year by her on photographic plate B2312 taken at the Harvard College Observatory. It was afterwards to become universally known as the ‘Horsehead’ Nebula.

Plate 2312 was taken with 90 minute exposure using the Harvard Observatory's 8” Bache Telescope at Arequipa in Peru. The plate covered an area of sky about 10 degrees square, of which the inner 7 degrees provides good definition.

This was the first ever photograph taken of the most iconic all astronomical objects – the famous ‘Horsehead’ Nebula.

8.       1892: Rho Ophiuchi Nebula; Edward Emerson Barnard

During the period 1892 to 1895 Edward Emerson Barnard began taking a series of wide field images using the Crocker Astrograph at Lick Observatory, Mount Hamilton California.

These included many famous clusters, galaxies and nebulae including, M45 (Pleiades), M42 (Great Orion), M8 (Lagoon Nebula), M31 (Great Andromeda Spiral) and the Rho Ophiuchi Nebula (IC 4604).

These images were the first truly widewield images ever taken, each inch on the photographic plate amounted to almost four full moons across.

9.       1899: M101; James Edward Keeler

The series of photographs taken by James Edward Keeler and Charles Dillon Perrine during the period 1898 to 1903 using the 36” Crossley Reflector firmly established the supremacy of large silvered mirrored telescopes over the large refractor for Deep Sky astrophotography.

These images included famous Messier objects like M13 (Great Hercules Cluster), M20 (Trifid Nebula), M42 (Great Orion Nebula) and M101 (featured here), as well as less well known objects such as NGC 4631 (Whale Galaxy), NGC 7023 (Iris Nebula) and NGC 1977 (Running Man Nebula).

10.     1900: Moon Atlas (1910); Moritz Loewy and Pierre Puiseux

In the period 1894 to 1910, Moritz Loewy (1833-1907) and Pierre-Henri Puiseux (1855-1928) obtain 6000 photographs, over 500 nights of the Moon using the 60 cm Paris observatory Coudé refractor.

These images were used to create the first detailed atlas of the Moon - L'Atlas Photographique de la Lune, which was edited by the Paris Observatory between the years 1896 to 1910.

Tags:

Historical

The History of Astrophotography

by ArtdeCiel 13. September 2009 04:35

Astrophotography Timeline

A History of Astrophotography - the condensed version:

1800; Thomas Wedgwood (1771-1805); produces "sun pictures" by placing opaque objects on leather treated with silver nitrate. The resulting images deteriorated rapidly."

1804; Thomas Wedgewood; in 2008 one of the major historians of early British photography, Dr Larry J Schaaf, has suggested at length that a surviving photogenic drawing of a leaf (attributed to William Fox Talbot) could in fact be by Thomas Wedgwood, and might date from 1804 or 1805. If this can be confirmed, then Wedgwood would be the true inventor of the standard photographic process and not Niepce, Fox Talbot or Daguerre.

1816; Joseph Nicéphore Niépce (1765-1833) combines the camera obscura with photosensitive paper.

1825; Joseph Niepce; in 2002, an earlier surviving photograph which had been taken by Niépce was found in a French photograph collection. The photograph was found to have been taken in 1825, and it was an image of an engraving of a young boy leading a horse into a stable. The photograph itself later sold for 450,000 euros at an auction to the French National Library.

1826; Joseph Niépce produces the first permanent image (Heliograph) using a camera obscura and white bitumen. It shows a view out of a window over roof tops at Le Gras, France. Prior to 2002 it was thought to be the oldest surviving photograph.

1829; Joseph Niepce & Louis Daguerre; sign a ten year agreement to work in partnership developing their new recording medium.

1834; Henry Fox Talbot (1800-1877); creates permanent (negative) images using paper soaked in silver chloride and fixed with a salt solution. Talbot created positive images by contact printing onto another sheet of paper. Talbot’s The Pencil of Nature, published in six instalments between 1844 and 1846 was the first book to be illustrated entirely with photographs.

1837; Louis Daguerre creates images on silver-plated copper, coated with silver iodide and "developed"" with warmed mercury (daguerreotype)."

1839; Louis Daguerre patents the daguerreotype. The daguerreotype process is released for general use in return for annual state pensions given to Daguerre and Isidore Niépce (Louis Daguerre’s son): 6000 and 4000 francs respectively.

1839; John Frederick William Herschel (1792-1871); uses for the first time the term ‘Photography’ (meaning writing with light).

1839; Louis Daguerre; takes the first unsuccessful daguerreotype of the moon obtained by Daguerre (blurred image – long exposure).

1839; François Jean Dominique Arago (1786-1853); announces the daguerreotype process at the French Academy of Sciences (January, 7 and August, 19). Arago predicts the future use of the photographic technique in the fields of selenography, photometry and spectroscopy.

1840; John William Draper (1811-1882); obtains the first successful (correctly exposed) daguerreotype of the moon using a 13 cm reflector with a long focal length (20 min exposures).

1841; William Henry Fox Talbot patents his process under the name "calotype".

1842; Giovanni Majocchi obtains the first photograph of the partial phase of a solar eclipse on a daguerreotype on July 8th 1842, with a 2 min exposure.

1844; Armand Fizeau & Jean Foucault ; according to Francois Arago, a large number of daguerreotypes of the sun were obtained by Armand Hippolyte Louis Fizeau (1819-1896) and Jean Bernard Léon Foucault (1819-1868) at the Paris observatory. One of these photographs, taken on April 2, 1845, still survives.

1849; William Cranch Bond (1789-1859) and John Adams Whipple (1822-1891) obtain a series of lunar daguerreotypes with the 38 cm Harvard refractor (40 second exposures) during the period 1849 to 1852.

1850; John Whipple & William Bond; first photograph of a star (a Lyrae, Vega) obtained by John Adams Whipple and William Cranch Bond using the 38 cm Harvard refractor (daguerreotype, 100 second exposure) on the 17th July, 1850.

1851; Frederick Scott Archer (1813-1857), improves photographic resolution by spreading a mixture of collodion (nitrated cotton dissolved in ether and alcohol) and chemicals on sheets of glass. Wet plate collodion photography was much cheaper than daguerreotypes. The negative positive process permitted unlimited reproductions. The process was published but not patented.

1851; M Berkowski; obtains first daguerreotype of a total eclipse of the Sun obtained, recording the inner corona and several prominences on 28th July 1851.

1851; Angelo Secchi (1818-1878) records daguerreotypes of the partial phases of a solar eclipse with a 162 mm refractor of 2.5 m focal length.

1851; John Adams Whipple; On March 22nd 1851, William Cranch Bond recorded in his notebook: “Succeeded in Daguerreotyping Jupiter. Six plates were taken by Whipple and “could distinguish the two principal equatorial belts – Time about as long as the Moon required or not much longer’. This pre-dates the planetary images of the Henry Brothers (1885-6) by over 30 years.

1852; Warren de La Rue; first wet plate collodion images of the Moon obtained by Warren de la Rue (1815-1889) using a 33 cm reflector with 3.05 m focal length, on a mount without a clock drive.

1854;Joseph Bancroft Reade (1801-1870) uses a 60 cm reflector to photograph the sun (wet collodium). These images reveal the molten look of the solar photosphere.

1855; Warren de la Rue publishes A series of twelve photographs of the Moon.

1855; Alphonse Poitevin invents the Collotype Process. The collotype plate is made by coating a plate of glass or metal with a substrate composed of gelatin or other colloid and hardening it. Then it is coated with a thick coat of dichromated gelatine and dried carefully at a controlled temperature (a little over 50 degrees Celsius).

1856; Lewis Morris Rutherfurd (1816-1892) photographs the Moon and the Sun using an achromatic refractor of 285 mm aperture over a two year period from 1856 to 1858.

1857; George Philips Bond (1825-1865) (son of William Cranch Bond) produces wet collodion photographs of the double star Mizar (Zeta UMa) and Alcor (80 UMa) using the 38 cm Harvard refractor.

1857; Warren de la Rue obtains images of Jupiter and Saturn with a 33 cm reflector. The exposures (12 seconds for Jupiter and 60 seconds for Saturn) were unsuccessful. The planet images measured only 1/2 mm on the plate.

1858; Warren de la Rue tries to image comet Donati without success.

1858; William Usherwood a commercial photographer from Dorking, Surrey, records the comet Donati with a 7 seconds exposure.

1858; George Phillips Bond shows that the magnitude of stars could be derived from astronomical photographs, i.e. stellar photometry.

1858; Warren de la Rue obtains daily images of the Sun (weather permitting) using the Kew photoheliograph. A total of 2778 Sun photographs were obtained between the years 1862 and 1872.

1860; Warren de la Rue produces Wet Collodion photographs of the total eclipse of the Sun in Spain on July, 18 with the Kew photoheliograph, using 60 second exposures.

1861; Warren de la Rue mentions the possibility of conducting a photographic survey to obtain a Star Map of the whole sky.

1861; James Clerk Maxwell (1831-1879);  demonstrates a colour photography system involving three black and white photographs, each taken through a red, green and blue filter. This process is the same used today by modern astrophotographers but now with specialised CCD cameras with electronic filter wheels containing LRGB filters.

1863; William Huggins (1824-1910) publishes a paper in the Proceedings of the Royal Society titled - 'On the lines in the Spectra of Some Fixed Stars'. This was followed by other papers on the spectra of various stars, which showed that each contained a selection of lines also visible in the Solar Spectrum.

1864; William Huggins recorded the spectra of NGC 6543 (Cat's Eye Nebula), a bright Planetary Nebula in Draco. Instead of a series of spectral lines he found only a single bright Emission line. He concluded that this was due to gas, thus proving that certain 'nebulae' were in fact gaseous and not made up of individual stars.

1864; Henry Draper (1837-1882) images the Moon using a 40 cm reflector built by himself during the period 1864 to 1865.

1865; Lewis Morris Rutherfurd (1816-1892) obtains excellent Moon images using a specially corrected photographic 290 mm lens

1871; Hermann Carl Vogel (1841-1907) obtains excellent photographs of the Sun using a 294 mm refractor equipped with an electrical shutter , using exposures of between 1/5000 to 1/8000s.

1871; Richard Leach Maddox (1816-1902), proposes the use of an emulsion of gelatin and silver bromide on a glass plate, the so called "dry plate" process.

1871; Lord (James Ludovic) Lindsay (1847–1913) photographs the total eclipse of the Sun on December, 12 at Baikul, Russia.

1871; Lewis Morris Rutherfurd records the solar molten appearance with some detail.

1872; Henry Draper photographs for the first time the spectrum of a star (Alpha Lyrae, Vega) using a 72 cm reflector and a quartz prism.

1873; Edward Walter Maunder (1851-1928) installs at the Greenwich observatory a photoheliograph to record the Sun on a daily basis. Maunder is best remembered for his study of sunspots and the solar magnetic cycle that led to his identification of the period from 1645 to 1715 known as the Maunder Minimum.

1874; Pierre Jules César Janssen (1824-1907) develops the photographic revolver to record the transit of the planet Venus across the face of the sun, on the 8th December 1874. This was the first webcam, with an impressive frame rate of 100 images per hour (for then anyway!).

1875; Henry Draper photographs the spectra of almost all the bright stars using a 29 cm lens and a quartz prism located close to the photographic plate.

1876; William Huggins uses the dry plate for the first time to record spectra. From 1876 to 1886, Huggins and Miller photograph the spectra of all the first and second magnitude stars (60 min exposures).

1876; Pierre Jules Janssen presents his first solar photographs to the French Academy of Sciences (10 to 70 cm diameter). These wet collodion images were obtained with a 150 mm refractor with exposures of 1/500 to 1/6000s. During 1877/1877 Jules Janssen obtains a high number of solar photographs showing the solar granulation (photosphere) for the first time.

1879; Andrew Ainslie Common (1841-1903) photographs Jupiter using his 91 cm reflector (5.30 m focal length). Using exposures of 1 second, the images were only 1 mm wide.

1879; Henry Draper; between the years 1879 to 1882- Henry Draper photographs the spectra of 50 stars.

1880; Henry Draper obtains the first photograph of the Orion nebula (M 42) on September, 30. Draper used a 28cm Alvan Clark refractor supported by an equatorial mount also built by Clark (57 min exposure). Draper obtains two other photographs of M 42 in March of 1881 and 14th March 1882 with longer exposure times of 104 minutes and 137 minutes respectively.

1881; Pierre Janssen; First successful image of a comet (Tebbutt 1881 III) obtained by Jules Janssen on June, 30. Janssen used a dry plate and an exposure of 30 min (50 cm f/3 instrument). The same comet was also imaged by H. Draper, A. Common and M. Huggins.

1882; David Gill (1843-1914), of Cape observatory, photographs the great comet of 1882 using a portrait lens of 63 mm aperture (f/4.5)

1882; William Huggins photographs of the spectrum of a nebula (M 42) for the first time (45 min exposure).

1882; Edward Charles Pickering (1846-1919) starts a program at the Harvard observatory using objective prisms. This setup enabled Pickering to obtain several spectra on a single plate.

1883; Andrew Ainslie Common photographs the Orion nebula using his 91 cm reflector on January 30. The 37 minute exposure reveals stars that were not detected visually, for the first time. On February 28, Common obtains a deeper image with an exposure of 60 minutes.

1885; Paul Henry & Prosper Henry; during the period 1885 to 1886- The Henry Brothers: Paul Henry (1848-1905) and Prosper Henry (1849-1903); photograph Jupiter and Saturn using the Paris observatory 33 cm refractor (3.43 m focal length). These were the first successful planetary images.

1885; Isaac Roberts; in the period 1885 to 1899- Isaacs Roberts (1829-1904) obtains a long series of photographs from 1885 to 1897 and publishes two volumes with these results (the first in 1893 and the second in 1899, both with the same title 'Photographs of Stars, Star Clusters and Nebulae'.

1887; William Edward Wilson; over a twenty two year long period, from 1887 to 1899- William Edward Wilson (1851-1908) records several deep-sky images at the Daramona observatory (Westmeath, Ireland). The Wilson photographs are practically unknown today.

1887; Amédée Mouchez (1821-1892) hosts the first meeting of the “Carte du Ciel” Project at the Paris observatory. Eighteen observatories agreed to cooperate and to adopt, as a standard design for a photographic telescope, the 33 cm refractor developed by the Henry brothers.

1888; William Henry Pickering (1858-1939) successfully photographs Mars using two refractors (38 cm and 32 cm aperture) at the Pic du Midi observatory in France.

1889; Edward Emerson Barnard; first of a long series of wide-field deep-sky astrophotographs were obtained by Edward Emerson Barnard (1857-1923). Lick Observatory, Crocker telescope, Willard 6” lens.

1890; Edward Singleton Holden (1846-1914) obtains high resolution images of the Moon using the 91 cm Lick Observatory refractor.

1894; Moritz Loewy & Pierre Puiseux ; In the period 1894 to 1910, Moritz Loewy (1833-1907) and Pierre-Henri Puiseux (1855-1928) obtain 6000 photographs, over 500 nights of the Moon using the 60 cm Paris observatory Coudé refractor. These images were used to create the first atlas of the Moon - L'Atlas Photographique de la Lune was edited by the Paris Observatory between the years 1896 to 1910.

1898; James E. Keeler (1857-1900) starts a photographic survey of nebulae at the Lick Observatory (Mount Hamilton, California). Keeler used the Common reflector (91 cm aperture) that was offered to the observatory by Edward Crossley (1841-1905).

1898; William Edward Wilson uses his cinematograph device to take a video of sunspots. It was capable of taking 100 photographs per hour. An early 'high speed' webcam.

1899;  Julius Scheiner (1858-1913) records the spectrum of the spiral Galalxy M 31 with an exposure of over 7 hours, proving that it was composed of individual stars.

1901; George Willis Ritchey (1864-1945) obtains a series of excellent photographs of nebulae using the Mount Wilson 60 cm reflector in the years 1901 to 1902.

1903; Pierre Janssen publishes his monumental photographic atlas of the sun - 'Atlas de Photographies Solaires'.

1903; William Henry Pickering publishes first ever Lunar Photographic Atlas.

1909; George Willis Ritchey records several star clusters and nebulae with the 1.52 m f/5 Mount Wilson reflector, with exposures of up to 11 hours obtained over several nights. These photographs had a resolution of about one arc second.

1911; Edward Emerson Barnard obtains excellent images of Saturn using the 1.52 metre Mount Wilson reflector.

1913; Edward Emerson Barnard publishes Photographs of the Milky Way and of Comets, in Publications of Lick Observatory, Vol.11. These images were obtained from 1892 to 1895 using the Crocker telescope.

1918; Francis Gladheim Pease (1881-1938); first photographs of nebulae obtained with the new Hooker 100"" (2.54 m reflector) at Mount Wilson.

1924; Edwin Hubble (1889-1953), using the 2.54 m Hooker Telescope, was able to identify Cepheid variables in the Andromeda galaxy and estimates it’s distance (800 000 light years). Hubble changed our understanding of the nature of the universe by demonstrating the existence of other galaxies besides our own.

1927; Edward Emerson Barnard; Publication of Atlas of Selected Regions of the Milky Way”, four years after the death of Barnard. Most of the plates included in the Atlas (40 out of 50) were obtained at Mount Wilson observatory with the Bruce Telescope.

1929; Edwin Hubble, based on photographs of spectra (exposures of tenths of hours), discovers that the amount of the redshift observed in several galaxies increases in proportion to their distance to the Milky Way. This became known as 'Hubble's' law, and would help establish that the universe is expanding."

1929; Marcel de Keroylr; from 1929 to 1934, the French astronomer Marcel de Kerolyr photographs nebulae and galaxies using the 80 cm f/6 reflector of the Paris observatory astrophysics station at Haute Provence.

1930; Bernhard Schmidt; in 1930 he built the first Schmidtspiegel (now known as the Schmidt camera). Astronomers had long dreamed of a camera which could take images of large areas of the sky without the distortion at the edges that current telescopes gave, and at the same time only required short exposure times.

1936; Milton Lasell Humason (1891-1972) images galaxies at 240 000 000 light-years with the Hooker telescope.

1948; Edwin Hubble uses the new 200 inch (5.08 m) Hale telescope for the first time at Mount Palomar, California.

1948; POSS - the Palomar Observatory Sky Survey (POSS) begins. It was not completed until 1958. The first plates were shot in November 1948 and the last in April 1958. This survey was performed using blue-sensitive (Kodak 103a-O) and red-sensitive (Kodak 103a-E) photographic plates on the 48 inch (1.22 m) Samuel Oschin Schmidt telescope.

1990; Hubble Space Telescope (HST) was launched on the 24th April 1990. It is named after the American astronomer Edwin Hubble. Although not the first space telescope, the Hubble is one of the largest and most versatile, and is well-known as both a vital research tool and a public relations boon for astronomy.

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Historical | Catchers of the Light

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Stefan Hughes has been observing the night sky since he was 12 years old, when he got his first telescope a small 3.5" Reflector, which was in his own words 'pretty useless'. He then got his first serious telescope three years later - a 6" (15cm) equatorially mounted Newtonian Reflector, which he used to look mainly at the moon and planets. He was so taken with Astronomy that he decided to make it his career, though ironically becoming a theoretical astronomer specializing in the field of Celestial Mechanics, being a student of Desmond King-Hele and the late Andre Deprit. In 1978 he was awarded a PhD for his thesis on the motion of Artificial Earth Satellites, which was published as a series of papers in the Proceedings of the Royal Society. After spells as a Research Fellow and University Lecturer he moved into the world of Computers when work became scarce in Astronomy, as a software designer and later project manager. During this time he drifted out of Astronomy, concentrating on his career and raising a family. He also had a further career change and spent five year training to become a Genealogist and Architectural Historian; which he practiced professionally for a number of years. In 2001 he moved to the island of Cyprus with his wife, and is now semi-retired devoting the majority of his time to his rekindled enthusiasm for Astronomy and in particular to Deep Sky Astrophotography, and of course the 'Art de Ciel' website. He is currently writing two books one on the history of astrophotography called ‘Catchers of the Light’ and the second a biography with the photographic historian Dr. Marcel Safier on the Victorian Photographer Frederick Scott Archer entitled ‘To the Sons of the Sun’.

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